1
漢初，魏無知封高良侯，子均，均子恢，恢子彥。 彥子歆，字子胡，幼孤有志操，博洽經史，成帝世，位終鉅鹿太守，[2]仍家焉。 歆子悅，[3]字處德，性沉厚有度量，宣城公趙國李孝伯見而重之，以女妻焉。 位濟陰太守，以善政稱。
In the early Han dynasty, Wei Wuzhi was made Marquis of Gaoliang; from him came Jun, from Jun came Hui, and from Hui came Yan. Yan's son Xin, styled Zihu, lost his father early but possessed strong character. Well read in the classics and histories, he served during Emperor Cheng's reign and ultimately became Administrator of Julu, [2] where the family established its home. Xin's son Yue, [3] styled Chude, was grave, steady, and broad-minded. Li Xiaobo, Duke of Xuan Cheng in Zhao, took a liking to him and gave him his daughter in marriage. He served as Administrator of Jiyin and won renown for his effective administration.
2
悅子子建，字敬忠。 釋褐奉朝請，累遷太尉從事中郎。 初，世宗時平氐，[4]遂於武興立鎮，尋改為東益州。 其後鎮將、刺史乖失人和，羣氐作梗，遂為邊患，乃除子建為東益州刺史。 子建布以恩信，風化大行，遠近清靜。 正光五年，南、北二秦城人莫折念生、韓祖香、張長命相繼構逆，僉以州城之人莫不勁勇，同類悉反，宜先收其器械。 子建以為城人數當行陳，盡皆驍果，安之足以為用，急之腹背為憂，乃悉召居城老壯曉示之； 并上言諸城人本非罪坐而來者悉求聽免。 肅宗優詔從之。 子建漸分其父兄子弟外居郡戍，內外相顧，終獲保全。 及秦賊乘勝，屯營黑水，子建乃潛使掩襲，前後斬獲甚眾，威名赫然，先反者及此悉降。 乃間使上聞，肅宗甚嘉之，詔子建兼尚書為行臺，刺史如故。 於是威震蜀土，其梁、巴、二益、兩秦之事，皆所節度。 梁州刺史傅豎眼子敬和中心以為愧，在洛大行貨賄，以圖行臺。 先是，子建亦屢求歸京師，至此，乃遣刺史唐永代焉，[5]豎眼因為行臺。 子建將還，羣氐慕戀，相率斷道。 主簿楊僧覆先行曉喻，諸氐忿曰：「我留刺史，爾送出也！」 斫之數創，幾死。 子建徐加慰譬，旬日方得前行，吏人贈遺，一無所受。 而東益氐、蜀尋反，攻逼唐永，永棄城而走，乃喪一藩矣。 初永之走，子建客有沙門曇璨及鉅鹿人耿顯皆沒落氐手，及知子建之客，垂泣追衣物還之，送出白馬。 遺愛所被如此。 自國家開華陽等郡，梁州邢巒、益州傅豎眼及子建為最。 初，子建為前軍將軍，十年不徙，在洛閑暇，與吏部尚書李韶、韶從弟延寔頗為弈棊，時人謂為耽好。 子建每曰：「棊於機權廉勇之際，得之深矣。 且吾未為時用，博弈可也。」 及一臨邊事，凡經五年，未曾對局。
Yue's son Zijian, styled Jingzhong. After beginning his career as Attending Counselor at Court, he was promoted repeatedly until he became Attendant to the Grand Commandant. Earlier, during Emperor Shizong's reign the Di were subdued, [4] and a military post was set up at Wuxing, which before long became the province of Eastern Yizhou. Later the garrison commanders and provincial inspectors failed to maintain good relations with the people. The Di rose in obstruction and the region became a border trouble spot, so Zijian was appointed governor of Eastern Yizhou. Zijian governed with kindness and integrity. His influence spread widely, and peace returned to the region near and far. In the fifth year of Zhengguang, Mo She Niansheng, Han Zuxiang, and Zhang Changming led successive rebellions among the townspeople of the two Qin provinces. Officials agreed that the capital's inhabitants were fierce fighters and that their clansmen had already risen in revolt, so their arms should be seized first. Zijian reasoned that these city dwellers were men slated for military service—every one of them tough and battle-ready. Treat them well and they could be enlisted; push them hard and they would become a danger on every side. So he called together all the elderly and able-bodied residents and explained his thinking to them. He also petitioned the throne to exempt and release all those city dwellers who had been sent there for reasons other than criminal punishment. Emperor Suzong graciously approved the request by imperial edict. Zijian gradually posted the fathers, brothers, and sons of local families to garrisons outside the city, so that those inside and out could keep watch on one another, and in this way the community was preserved. When the Qin rebels pressed their advantage and made camp at Black Water, Zijian sent troops in a secret raid. They killed and captured large numbers of enemy fighters, his prestige soared, and those who had rebelled earlier submitted one after another. He sent word through a special messenger. Emperor Suzong was greatly pleased and appointed Zijian Director of the Secretariat with authority as a mobile imperial commission, while retaining his post as provincial governor. His authority now extended across the Shu region, and he had supervisory power over affairs in Liang, Ba, the two Yizhou provinces, and the two Qin provinces. Fu Jinghe, son of Liangzhou governor Fu Shuyan, felt deeply aggrieved. In Luoyang he spent lavishly on bribes, angling for the mobile commission post. Zijian had already been asking repeatedly to return to the capital. At this juncture Tang Yong was sent as provincial governor to replace him, [5] and Fu Shuyan took over the mobile commission. When Zijian prepared to leave, the Di people, who cherished him, gathered in groups and blocked the road. Chief Clerk Yang Sengfu went ahead to reason with them. The Di shouted angrily: "We kept our governor here—you're the ones trying to escort him away! They hacked him repeatedly and nearly killed him. Zijian gently soothed and reassured them, and only after ten days could he continue on his way. He accepted none of the gifts the officials and commoners pressed upon him. Before long the Di and Shu peoples of Eastern Yizhou rebelled, attacked Tang Yong, and drove him to abandon the city and flee—the province was lost. When Yong fled, two of Zijian's companions—the monk Tancan and Geng Xian of Julu—were seized by the Di. Learning they were Zijian's men, the Di wept, restored their stolen possessions, and saw them safely out at White Horse Pass. Such was the depth of affection he had inspired. From the time the empire established Huayang and other districts, Xing Luan in Liangzhou, Fu Shuyan in Yizhou, and Zijian were ranked the finest governors. When Zijian served as General of the Vanguard he remained in that post for ten years without transfer. During his idle days in Luoyang he often played go with Li Shao, Director of Personnel, and Shao's cousin Yanbao—pastimes that contemporaries dismissed as frivolous indulgence. Zijian often remarked: "In the game of go one learns deeply about timing, authority, integrity, and courage at decisive moments. Besides, I have not yet been put to use by the age—a game or two is harmless enough." Once he took up frontier duties, he went five full years without playing a single match.
3
還洛後，俄拜常侍、衞尉卿。 初，元顥內逼，莊帝北幸，子建謂所親盧義僖曰：「北海自絕社稷，稱藩蕭衍，吾老矣，豈能為陪臣？」 遂攜家口居洛南，顥平乃歸。 先苦風痺，及此遂甚，以卿任有務，屢上書乞身，特除右光祿大夫。 邢杲之平，太傅李延寔子侍中彧為大使，撫慰東土，時外戚貴盛，送客填門，子建亦往候別。 延寔曰：「小兒今行，何以相勗？」 子建曰：「益以盈滿為誡。」 延寔悵然久之。 及莊帝殺尒朱榮，遇禍於河陰者其家率相弔賀。 太尉李虔第二子仁曜，子建之女壻，往亦見害。 子建謂姨弟盧道虔曰：「朝廷誅翦權強，凶徒尚梗，未聞有奇謀異略，恐不可濟。 此乃李門禍始，弔賀無乃怱怱？」 及永安之後，李氏宗族流離，或遇誅夷，如其所慮。 後歷左光祿大夫，加散騎常侍、驃騎大將軍。
After returning to Luoyang he was soon made Regular Attendant and Commandant of the Guard. When Yuan Hao advanced on the capital and Emperor Zhuang fled north, Zijian told his confidant Lu Yixi: "Beihai has abandoned the imperial altars and declared himself a vassal of Xiao Yan. I am too old to serve as anyone's subordinate minister. He moved his family south of the Luo River, and only returned after Yuan Hao's defeat. He had long suffered from rheumatism, which now worsened considerably. Burdened by official responsibilities despite his illness, he repeatedly petitioned to retire and was specially appointed Grand Master of Splendid Happiness on the Right. After the suppression of Xing Gao's rebellion, Li Yu—son of Grand Tutor Li Yanbao and Attendant-in-Ordinary—was sent as imperial envoy to pacify the eastern provinces. The emperor's powerful in-laws saw such envoys off in great numbers, and Zijian went to bid Yu farewell as well. Yanbao asked: "My son is setting out today—what advice would you give him? Zijian replied: "Warn him against the dangers of excess and overreach." Yanbao stood in gloomy silence for a long while. After Emperor Zhuang had Erzhu Rong killed, families whose relatives had been killed at Heyin exchanged ostensible condolences that were really celebrations. Li Renyao, second son of Grand Commandant Li Qian and Zijian's son-in-law, was among the dead. Zijian told his cousin Lu Daoxian: "The court has struck down a powerful faction, but dangerous men still hold out, and I hear nothing of any bold strategy. I doubt this will end well. This looks like the start of calamity for the Li family. Surely their celebrations are premature? After the Yong'an period the Li clan was uprooted and destroyed, just as he had predicted. He later served as Left Grand Master of Splendid Happiness and was further appointed Gentleman-in-Attendant and General of Agile Cavalry.
4
子建自出為藩牧，董司山南，居脂膏之中，遇天下多事，正身潔己，不以財利經懷。 及歸京師，家人衣食常不周贍，清素之迹，著於終始。 性存重慎，不雜交遊，唯與尚書盧義僖、姨弟涇州刺史盧道裕雅相親昵。 及疾篤，顧敕二子曰：「死生大分，含氣所同，世有厚葬，吾平生不取，籧篨裸身，又非吾意。 氣絕之後，斂以時服。 吾生年契闊，[6]前後三娶，合葬之事，抑又非古。 且汝二母先在舊塋，墳地久固，已有定別。 唯汝次母墓在外耳，可遷入兆域，依班而定，行於吾墓之後。 如此足矣，不須祔合。 當順吾心，勿令吾有遺恨。」 永熙二年春，卒于洛陽孝義里舍，時年六十三，贈儀同三司、定州刺史，諡曰文靜。 二子，收、祚。
From the time Zijian took office as a regional governor overseeing the southern mountains—a post rich in opportunity, in turbulent times—he kept himself upright and never let greed touch his mind. Even after returning to the capital his family often lacked for necessities. His reputation for plain, honest living never wavered. He was cautious by nature and kept his social circle small. Only Director of the Secretariat Lu Yixi and his cousin Lu Daoyu, governor of Jingzhou, counted as close friends. On his deathbed he instructed his two sons: "Life and death are fate's great division, shared by every living being. Lavish funerals are common, but I have never approved of them—and burial on a straw mat with an unclothed body is not my wish either. After I die, dress my body in my ordinary clothes. My life has been long and marked by separations, [6] and I married three times. Joint burial with all my wives is not the old way. Your two mothers already lie in the old family cemetery, where their graves were assigned long ago. Only your stepmother's grave lies elsewhere. Move it into the family plot, assign her place according to seniority, and lay her out behind my tomb. That will be enough—there is no need to bury us all together in one grave. Do as I wish, so that I may die without regret. In the spring of Yongxi 2 he died at his home in Xiaoyi Lane, Luoyang, at the age of sixty-three. He was posthumously honored as Chief Minister of State with Equal Standing and governor of Dingzhou, and given the posthumous name Wenjing. He had two sons: Shou and Zuo.
5
收字伯起，小字佛助。 年十五，頗已屬文。 及隨父赴邊，值四方多難，好習騎射，欲以武藝自達。 滎陽鄭伯調之曰：「魏郎弄戟多少？」 收慚，遂折節讀書。 夏月坐板牀，隨樹陰諷誦，積年，牀板為之銳減，而精力不輟。 以文華顯。 初以父功除太學博士，及尒朱榮於河陰濫害朝士，收亦在圍中，以日晏獲免。
Shou, styled Boqi, childhood name Fozhu. By fifteen he was already writing capably. When he accompanied his father to the frontier during widespread turmoil, he took up riding and archery, hoping to make his way through military skill. Zheng Bo of Xingyang mocked him: "Young Wei, how much do you really know about handling a spear? Deeply embarrassed, Shou turned to serious study. In summer he sat on a wooden couch in the shifting shade of a tree, reciting his texts. Year after year he wore the boards thin, yet his dedication never flagged. He rose to prominence through his literary talent. He first received appointment as Erudite of the Imperial Academy through his father's service. When Erzhu Rong massacred court officials at Heyin, Shou was caught in the roundup but spared because nightfall had come.
6
吏部尚書李神儁重收才學，奏授司徒記室參軍。 永安三年，除北主客郎中。 前廢帝立，妙簡近侍，詔試收為封禪書，收下筆便就，不立草稿，文將千言，所改無幾。 時黃門郎賈思同侍立，深奇之。 帝曰：[7]「雖七步之才，無以過此。」 遷散騎侍郎，尋敕典起居注，并修國史。 俄兼中書侍郎，年二十六。 出帝初，又詔收攝本職，文誥填積，事咸稱旨。 黃門郎崔㥄從齊獻武王入朝，熏灼於世，收初不詣門。 㥄為帝登祚赦，云「朕託體孝文」，收嗤其率直。 正員郎李慎以告之，㥄深忿忌。 時前廢帝殂，令收為詔，㥄乃宣言：「收普泰世出入幃幄，一日造詔，優為詞旨，然則義旗之士，盡為逆人； 又收父老合解官歸侍。」 南臺將加彈劾，賴尚書辛雄為言於中尉綦儁，乃解。 收有賤生弟仲同先未齒錄，因此怖懼，上籍，遣還鄉扶侍。 出帝嘗大發士卒，狩於嵩少之南，旬有六日，時既寒苦，朝野嗟怨。 帝與從官皆胡服而騎，宮人及諸妃主雜其間，奇伎異飾，多非禮度。 收欲言則畏懼，欲默不能已，乃上南狩賦以諷焉，年二十七，雖富言淫麗，而終歸雅正。 帝手詔報焉，甚見褒美。 鄭伯謂曰：「卿不遇老夫，猶應逐兔。」 初，齊獻武王固讓天柱大將軍，帝敕收為詔，令遂所請，欲加相國，問收相國品秩，收以實對，帝遂止。 收既未測主相之意，以前事不安，求解，詔許焉。 久之，除帝兄子廣平王贊開府從事中郎，收不敢辭，乃為庭竹賦以致己意。 尋兼中書舍人，與濟陰溫子昇、河間邢子才齊譽，世號三才。 時出帝猜忌獻武，內有間隙，收遂以疾固辭而免。 其舅崔孝芬怪而問之，收曰：「懼有晉陽之甲。」 尋而獻武南上，帝西入關。
Li Shenjun, Director of Personnel, admired Shou's talents and recommended him for appointment as secretary in the Office of the Minister over the Masses. In Yongan 3 he was appointed chief of the northern office for receiving foreign guests. When the former deposed emperor took the throne, he selected close attendants carefully and tested Shou by ordering him to compose a fengshan proclamation. Shou wrote it straight off without a draft—nearly a thousand characters, with hardly a correction. Attendant of the Yellow Gates Jia Sitong, standing nearby, was deeply impressed. The emperor remarked: [7]"Not even Cao Zhi's seven-pace talent could surpass this. He was promoted to Gentleman Attendant-in-Ordinary and soon put in charge of the imperial diary while also compiling the national history. Before long he was also named Vice Director of the Secretariat—at only twenty-six. When the Departure Emperor came to the throne, Shou was recalled to his former duties. Official documents piled up, and everything he wrote met with approval. Cui Lin, Attendant of the Yellow Gates, rode into court in the train of Duke Xianwu of Qi and wielded enormous influence. Shou never went near his gate. When Lin drafted the emperor's accession amnesty with the phrase "I take my form from Emperor Xiaowen," Shou laughed at its blunt literalism. Regular Gentleman Li Shen reported Shou's mockery, and Lin nursed a deep grudge. When the former deposed emperor died and Shou was ordered to draft the mourning edict, Lin publicly accused him: "During the Putai reign Shou moved freely in the inner court. He can turn out a polished edict in a day—so by that logic every man who raised the righteous banner becomes a rebel. And Shou's elderly father should by rights resign and return home so his son can care for him. The southern censorate prepared to impeach him, but Director Xin Xiong interceded with Chief Commandant Qi Jun, and the case was dropped. Shou had a younger half-brother, Zhongtong, who had never been officially registered. Frightened by Lin's attack, Shou entered him in the family register and sent him home to care for their father. The Departure Emperor once mobilized a large force and hunted south of Mount Song for sixteen days. The weather was bitterly cold, and people throughout the court and countryside complained bitterly. The emperor and his attendants rode in nomadic dress, with palace women and imperial consorts mingled among them, performing outlandish stunts and wearing bizarre costumes—most of it well outside proper ceremonial bounds. Shou wanted to speak out but feared retribution, yet could not keep silent. At twenty-seven he submitted his "Rhapsody on the Southern Hunt" as a veiled remonstrance. Though lushly ornate, it ultimately upheld moral propriety. The emperor responded with a handwritten note lavishing praise on the piece. Zheng Bo told him: "If you had never met me, you'd still be out hunting rabbits. When Duke Xianwu of Qi steadfastly declined the title General of the Heavenly Pillar, the emperor had Shou draft the edict granting his wish. The emperor then considered adding the title Chancellor of State, asked Shou about its rank in the official hierarchy, and when Shou answered honestly, abandoned the idea. Unable to read the intentions of the emperor and the duke, and unsettled by earlier troubles, Shou asked to resign—and was allowed to do so. Some time later he was appointed attendant in the prince of Guangping's household—the prince was the emperor's nephew. Shou could not refuse, but wrote his "Rhapsody on the Court Bamboo" to express his true feelings. He soon became a secretariat aide and, together with Wen Zisheng of Jiyin and Xing Zicai of Hejian, earned equal renown as the Three Talents of the age. When the Departure Emperor grew suspicious of Xianwu and court factions split, Shou pleaded illness and managed to get himself relieved of duty. His uncle Cui Xiaofen asked why. Shou answered: "I fear troops will march from Jinyang." Before long Xianwu advanced south and the emperor fled west into the pass.
7
收兼通直散騎常侍副王昕聘蕭衍，昕風流文辯，收辭藻富逸，衍及其羣臣咸加敬異。 先是，南北初和，李諧、盧元明首通使命，二人才器，並為鄰國所重。 至此，衍稱曰：「盧、李命世，王、魏中興，未知後來復何如耳？」 文襄啟收兼散騎常侍，修國史。 武定二年，除正常侍，領兼中書侍郎，仍修史。 帝宴百僚，問何故名人日，皆莫能知。 收對曰：「晉議郎董勛答問，稱俗云正月一日為鷄，二日為狗，三日為猪，四日為羊，五日為牛，六日為馬，七日為人。 時邢卲亦在側，甚恧焉。 自南北和好，書下紙每云「想彼境內寧靜，此率土安和」。 蕭衍後使，其書乃去「彼」字，自稱猶著「此」，欲示無外之意。 收定報書云：「想境內清晏，今萬國安和。」 南人復書，依以為體。 後獻武入朝，靜帝授相國，固讓，令收為啟。 啟成呈上，文襄時侍側，獻武指收曰：「此人當復為崔光。」 四年，獻武於西門豹祠宴集，謂司馬子如曰：「魏收為史官，書吾善惡。 聞北伐時，諸貴常餉史官飲食，司馬僕射頗曾餉不？」 因共大笑。 仍謂收曰：「卿勿見元康等在吾目下趨走，謂吾以為勤勞，我後世身名在卿手，勿謂我不知。」 尋加兼著作郎。
Shou served as envoy deputy to Wang Xin on a mission to Xiao Yan. Xin was polished and articulate; Shou's prose was rich and fluent. Yan and his entire court treated them with marked respect. When north and south first made peace, Li Xie and Lu Yuanming were the pioneering envoys, and both were held in high regard across the border. On this occasion Yan said: "Lu and Li were geniuses of their generation; Wang and Wei renew that glory—but who knows whether those who follow will measure up? Wen Xiang recommended Shou for appointment as Attendant-in-Ordinary with responsibility for compiling the national history. In Wuding 2 he was appointed Regular Attendant and concurrently Vice Director of the Secretariat, continuing his work on the histories. At a banquet for the hundred officials the emperor asked why the seventh day of the New Year was called Human Day. No one knew. Shou answered: "According to Dong Xun, Discussion Officer of the Jin dynasty, folk tradition holds that the first day of the first month is the day of the rooster, the second the dog, the third the pig, the fourth the sheep, the fifth the ox, the sixth the horse, and the seventh the day of humanity. Xing Shao, standing nearby, flushed with embarrassment. After the northern and southern courts made peace, their diplomatic letters routinely opened with the phrase: "We trust your realm is at peace, and all is well throughout our land." Later, envoys from Xiao Yan dropped the word "your" from their letters while still using "our," intending to imply that no foreign realm existed beyond their own. Shou drafted the reply to read: "We trust the realm is peaceful; now all nations under heaven enjoy harmony." The southern court adopted this phrasing as the standard in their return correspondence. When Xianwu later came to court, Emperor Jing invested him as Chancellor of State. He steadfastly declined, and had Shou draft the memorial of refusal. When the memorial was finished and submitted, Wen Xiang stood nearby. Xianwu pointed at Shou and said: "This man will become another Cui Guang." In the fourth year Xianwu hosted a banquet at the Shrine of Ximen Bao and said to Sima Ziru: "Wei Shou, as historiographer, will record my virtues and faults. I hear that during the northern campaign the nobles often treated the historiographers to meals—Vice Director Sima, did you ever send any gifts? They all burst out laughing together. Then he told Shou: "Do not see Yuan Kang and the others scurrying about before me and think I mistake it for true diligence. My legacy rests in your hands—do not imagine I do not know it." Shou was soon additionally appointed Compiler.
8
靜帝曾季秋大射，普令賦詩，收詩末云：「尺書徵建鄴，折簡召長安。」 文襄壯之，顧謂人曰：「在朝今有魏收，便是國之光采。 雅俗文墨，通達縱橫，我亦使子才、子昇時有所作，至於詞氣並不及之。 吾或意有所懷，忘而不語，語而不盡，意有未及。 及收呈草，皆以周悉。 此亦難有。」 又敕兼主客郎，接蕭衍使謝珽徐陵。 侯景既陷臺城，衍鄱陽王範時為合州刺史，文襄敕收以書喻之。 範得書，乃率部伍西上，□州刺史崔聖念入據其城。 文襄謂收曰：「今定一州，卿有其力，猶恨『尺書徵建鄴』未效耳。」
Emperor Jing once held a grand autumn archery ceremony and ordered all officials to compose poems. Shou's poem ended with the lines: "A written summons will summon Jiankang; a folded letter will summon Chang'an." Wen Xiang was impressed and said to those present: "With Wei Shou in court today, the state itself shines brighter. Whether in refined or plain writing, in prose or statecraft, he is masterful and versatile. I have Zicai and Zisheng write on occasion, but neither matches his force of expression. Sometimes I have thoughts I keep to myself, or words I leave unfinished, or ideas I have not yet fully formed. When Shou submitted his drafts, they captured everything completely. That kind of talent is rare indeed. He also appointed Shou chief of receiving guests to host the envoys from Xiao Yan, Xie Yan and Xu Ling. After Hou Jing captured Taicheng, Fan, Prince of Poyang under Xiao Yan, was serving as governor of Hezhou. Wen Xiang ordered Shou to write a letter urging him to defect. Fan received the letter and marched west with his troops, whereupon Governor Cui Shengian of □ Province entered and seized his city. Wen Xiang told Shou: "We have secured a province today, and you played a part—but I still regret that your line about summoning Jiankang with a letter has not yet come true."
9
二年，受詔撰魏史，除魏尹，故優以祿力，專在史閣，不知郡事。 初，帝令羣臣各言志，收曰：「臣願得直筆東觀，早出魏書。」 故帝使收專其任。 又詔平原王高隆之總監之，隆之署名而已。 帝敕收曰：「好直筆，我終不作魏太武誅史官。」 始魏初鄧淵撰代記十餘卷，其後崔浩典史，游雅、高允、程駿、李彪、崔光、李琰之世修其業。 浩為編年體，彪始分作紀表志傳，書猶未出。 世宗時，命邢巒追撰高祖起居注，書至太和十四年，又命崔鴻、王遵業補續焉。 下訖肅宗，事甚委悉。 濟陰王暉業撰辨宗室錄三十卷。 收於是與通直常侍房延祐，司空司馬辛元植，國子博士刁柔、裴昂之，尚書郎高孝幹博總斟酌，[8]以成魏書。 辨定名稱，隨條甄舉，又搜採亡遺，綴續後事，備一代史籍，表而上聞。 勒成一代大典，凡十二紀、九十二列傳，合一百一十卷，五年三月奏上之。 秋，除梁州刺史，收以志未成，奏請終業，許之。 十一月，復奏十志：天象四卷，地形三卷，律歷二卷，禮、樂四卷，食貨一卷，刑罰一卷，靈徵二卷，官氏二卷，釋老一卷，凡二十卷，續於紀傳，合一百三十卷，分為十二帙。 其史三十五例，二十五序，九十四論，前後二表一啟焉。
In the second year he received an edict to compile the History of Wei and was appointed administrator of the Wei capital. Given generous salary and support, he worked exclusively in the historiography office and paid no attention to local administration. When the emperor first asked his ministers to declare their ambitions, Shou said: "I wish to write history with an honest brush at the Eastern Pavilion and complete the History of Wei without delay." The emperor therefore entrusted the entire project to Shou. An edict also named Prince of Pingyuan Gao Longzhi as general supervisor, but Longzhi did nothing more than sign his name. The emperor told Shou: "Write honestly—I will never do as Emperor Taiwu of Wei did and kill the historiographers." At the founding of Wei, Deng Yuan compiled the Annals of the Dynasty in more than ten scrolls. Later Cui Hao directed the historiography, and You Ya, Gao Yun, Cheng Jun, Li Biao, Cui Guang, and Li Yanzhi carried on the tradition through successive generations. Hao wrote in annalistic form; Biao first organized the work into annals, tables, treatises, and biographies, but the history had still not been published. During Emperor Shizong's reign Xing Luan was ordered to compile the Daily Records of Emperor Gaozu, bringing the account down to the fourteenth year of Taihe; Cui Hong and Wang Zunye were also ordered to continue the work. The record extended through Emperor Suzong and was exceedingly detailed. Prince of Jiyin Huiye compiled the Record of the Imperial Clan in thirty scrolls. Shou then worked with Direct Attendant Fang Yanyou, Secretary to the Minister of Works Xin Yuanzhi, Erudites Diao Rou and Pei Angzhi, and Gentleman of the Secretariat Gao Xiaogan to gather and evaluate sources broadly, [8] and complete the History of Wei. He standardized names and titles, selected material category by category, recovered lost records, and continued the account of later events, completing the historical record of an entire dynasty, which he submitted to the throne. He produced the great historical canon of an age: twelve annals and ninety-two biographies, one hundred and ten scrolls in all, submitted in the third month of the fifth year. That autumn he was appointed governor of Liangzhou, but Shou petitioned to remain until the treatises were finished, and his request was granted. In the eleventh month he submitted the ten treatises: Celestial Phenomena (4 scrolls), Geography (3), Calendars and Chronology (2), Rites and Music (4), Food and Goods (1), Punishments (1), Spiritual Signs (2), Offices and Clans (2), and Buddhism and Daoism (1)—twenty scrolls in all, appended to the annals and biographies for a total of one hundred and thirty scrolls in twelve fascicles. The history also included thirty-five precedents, twenty-five prefaces, ninety-four disquisitions, and two tables plus one memorial.
10
魏書卷一百四諸本此卷目錄注「闕」。 按卷後諸本皆無宋人校語，當是脫去。 此序刪節北史卷五六魏收傳，兼採他書，故也有溢出北史字句。
In every edition of the History of Wei, the table of contents for scroll 104 is marked "missing." Examination shows that no edition retains Song-dynasty collation notes after this scroll; they must have been lost. This preface is an abridgment of Wei Shou's biography in scroll 56 of the History of the Northern Dynasties, supplemented from other sources, which explains why some passages go beyond the Northern Dynasties text.
11
成帝世位終鉅鹿太守錢氏考異卷二八云：「此成帝謂漢成帝也。 魏歆仕於漢成帝朝，而其子悅乃仕於元魏太武之世，此理之所必無者。 伯起亦通人，何至憒憒乃爾。 良由魏史自序久亡，後人節取北史補之，而北史又有脫簡，後人無從校正爾。」 按「成帝世」三字，北史卷五六魏收傳無，當取他書增，據元和姓纂輯本卷八魏氏稱「漢鉅鹿太守歆，居鉅鹿」，錢氏謂成帝謂漢成帝，是。
Regarding "In the reign of Emperor Cheng he ended as Administrator of Julu"—Qian's Textual Variants, scroll 28, states: "This Emperor Cheng refers to Emperor Cheng of Han. Wei Xin served under Emperor Cheng of Han, yet his son Yue served under Emperor Taiwu of Northern Wei—something that reason flatly cannot accept. Boqi was himself a learned man—how could he have been so confused? The explanation is surely that Wei Shou's original authorial preface to the History of Wei had long been lost; later editors patched it with excerpts from the Northern Dynasties, which itself contained lacunae that could no longer be corrected." Examination shows that the phrase "in the reign of Emperor Cheng" does not appear in scroll 56 of the Northern Dynasties; it was likely added from another source. The reconstructed Yuanhe Xingzuan, scroll 8, records under the Wei clan that "Xin, Administrator of Julu under the Han, dwelt in Julu." Qian's identification of Emperor Cheng as Emperor Cheng of Han is correct.
12
歆子悅北史卷五六無「歆」字。 按魏悅為北魏李孝伯壻，魏歆則漢成帝時人，相去四百餘年，豈得為父子。 中間世次脫簡，自宋以來即有人指出。 但唐書卷七二中宰相世系表魏氏下稱歆「二子，愉、悅」，則歆有子名悅，亦有旁證。 至李孝伯之壻魏悅則魏子建之父，魏收之祖，見本書卷九一王叡附王椿傳、卷九二魏溥妻房氏傳，也無可疑。 姓纂卷八和唐書世系表所著錄的後裔都是愉之後，悅的後裔無考。 疑本有兩魏悅，一是西漢鉅鹿太守歆之子，一是北魏末魏子建之父。 由於同名，傳抄時以此悅當彼悅，脫漏中間世系。 或唐初魏書已有此誤本，其誤非必出於李延壽。
In "Xin's son Yue," scroll 56 of the Northern Dynasties omits the character "Xin." Wei Yue of Northern Wei was Li Xiaobo's son-in-law, while Wei Xin lived under Emperor Cheng of Han—more than four centuries apart. They cannot have been father and son. The gap in the intervening generations has been noted since the Song dynasty. Yet the Tables of Chancellors' Lineages in scroll 72 of the New Book of Tang records under the Wei clan that Xin "had two sons, Yu and Yue"—so a son named Yue is attested. The Wei Yue who was Li Xiaobo's son-in-law was father of Wei Zijian and grandfather of Wei Shou, as recorded in scroll 91 (biography of Wang Rui, with appended biography of Wang Chun) and scroll 92 (biography of Wei Pu's wife, née Fang)—and this is beyond question. Both the Xingzuan, scroll 8, and the Tang lineage tables record only the descendants of Yu; Yue's line cannot be traced. It is likely that two different men named Wei Yue were conflated—one the son of Xin, Administrator of Julu under Western Han, and one the father of Wei Zijian under late Northern Wei. Because the names were identical, copyists substituted one Yue for the other and the intervening generations dropped out. The corrupt text may already have existed in the Tang-era History of Wei; the error need not necessarily come from Li Yanshou.
13
初世宗時平氐諸本「世宗」作「世祖」，北史卷五六作「宣武」 〈即世宗元恪〉。 按事見卷八世宗紀正始三年正月壬申、卷七０傅豎眼傳、卷一０一氐傳補，「祖」乃「宗」之訛，今據改。
On "Initially, in Emperor Shizong's time the Di were pacified"—various editions read "Shizu" for "Shizong," and scroll 56 of the Northern Dynasties reads "Xuanwu" 〈that is, Emperor Shizong Yuan Ke〉 The event appears in the Annals of Emperor Shizong (Zhengshi 3, first month, renshen day), the biography of Fu Shuyan in scroll 70, and the supplementary biography of the Di in scroll 101. "Zu" is a corruption of "zong," and the text is emended accordingly.
14
乃遣刺史唐永代焉按刺史上無地名，不知何州刺史，據北史卷六七唐永傳但云「行臺蕭寶夤表永為南豳 〈原訛『幽』〉 州刺史」，不載代魏子建事，當是省略，或北史所據唐氏家傳諱言其事。 唐永乃由南豳遷東益，這裏「刺史」上應有「南豳州」三字。
On "Then sent Regional Inspector Tang Yong to replace him"—no place-name appears before "regional inspector," so the province is unknown. Scroll 67 of the Northern Dynasties, biography of Tang Yong, only records that "Mobile Office Xiao Baoyin memorialized Yong as Regional Inspector of Southern Bin 〈originally corrupted as "You"〉 Province," and does not mention his replacing Wei Zijian—likely an omission, or the Tang family biography used by the Northern Dynasties passed over the episode. Tang Yong was transferred from Southern Bin to Eastern Yi; the three characters "Southern Bin Province" should appear before "regional inspector" here.
15
吾生年契闊北史卷五六「生年」作「平生」，這裏「生年」當是「生平」之訛。
On "My years of life have been long and parted"—scroll 56 of the Northern Dynasties reads "throughout life" instead of "years of life"; "years of life" here is likely a corruption of "throughout life."
16
帝曰北史卷五六「帝」上有「白」字，下文云云乃賈思同語。 按御覽卷六００ 〈二七０一頁〉 引北齊書也有「白」字 〈今本北齊書無〉。 若無「白」字，則下文云云是元恭 〈後廢帝〉 語，上文何必書「賈思同侍立」？ 這裏當脫「白」字。
On "The emperor said"—scroll 56 of the Northern Dynasties has the character "reported" before "emperor," meaning the following remark is Jia Sitong's speech. The Imperial Readings, scroll 600, 〈page 2701〉 cites the History of Northern Qi and also has the character "reported" 〈absent from the received History of Northern Qi〉 Without "reported," the following would be the words of Yuan Gong 〈the Former Deposed Emperor〉 —in which case why note above that "Jia Sitong stood attending"? The character "reported" must have dropped out here.
17
博總斟酌南、殿、局三本及北齊書卷三七「博」作「專」，百衲本、北本、汲本作「傳」； 北史百衲本作「傳」，他本作「專」； 冊府卷五五六 〈六六七八頁〉 作「博」。 按「博總」即「博綜」，廣泛收集之意。 本作「博」，訛作「傳」，後人以「傳總」不可解，改作「專」。 今據冊府改。
On "Broadly gathered and weighed"—the Nan, Dian, and Ju editions and scroll 37 of the History of Northern Qi read "devoted" for "gathered" and "transmitted" for "weighed"; the Baipu, Bei, and Ji editions read "transmitted" for "gathered"; the Baipu edition of the Northern Dynasties reads "transmitted," while other editions read "devoted"; the Cefu Yuangui, scroll 556 〈page 6678〉 reads "gathered." "Broadly gathered" means "broadly synthesized"—to collect material widely. The original was "gathered," which was corrupted to "transmitted"; later editors, finding "transmitted and weighed" meaningless, changed it to "devoted." The text is now emended according to the Cefu Yuangui.