Volume 13 Treatises 3: Rites and Music 3

__FORCETOC__自周衰，禮樂壞于戰國而廢絕于秦。漢興，六經在者，皆錯亂、散亡、雜偽，而諸儒方共補緝，以意解詁，未得其真，而讖緯之書出以亂經矣。自鄭玄之徒，號稱大儒，皆主其說，學者由此牽惑沒溺，而時君不能斷決，以為有其舉之，莫可廢也。由是郊、丘、明堂之論，至於紛然而莫知所止。

__FORCETOC__When the Zhou declined, rites and music were spoiled in the Warring States and cut off entirely under Qin. When the Han rose, the surviving Six Classics were all disordered, scattered, adulterated, and lost; scholars were still piecing them together and glossing by guesswork without recovering the true text, when apocryphal and weft-text books appeared to confuse the canon. From Zheng Xuan onward, men hailed as great Confucians all championed those doctrines; scholars were drawn under and drowned in them, while contemporary rulers could not settle the matter, supposing that because someone upheld a practice, it could not be abolished. Hence debate over suburban altars, mound sacrifices, and the Bright Hall grew so tangled that no one knew where to stop.

禮曰：「以禋祀祀昊天上帝。」此天也，玄以為天皇大帝者，北辰耀魄寶也。又曰：「兆五帝於四郊。」此五行精氣之神也，玄以為青帝靈威仰、赤帝赤熛怒、黃帝含樞紐、白帝白招拒、黑帝汁光紀者，五天也。由是有六天之說，後世莫能廢焉。

The Rites say: "With smoke-offering sacrifice one sacrifices to August Heaven the Supreme Lord." This is Heaven itself; Zheng Xuan identified it as the Heavenly Emperor the Great Emperor—Polaris, the Shining Soul Treasure Star. It also says: "Establish the Five Emperors at the four suburbs." These are the spirits of the five phases' vital essences; Zheng Xuan identified them as the Blue Emperor Spiritual Majesty Uplifted, the Scarlet Emperor Scarlet Blaze Wrath, the Yellow Emperor Holding the Pivot, the White Emperor White Summons Rejected, and the Black Emperor Juice Light Record—the Five Heavens. Thus arose the doctrine of the Six Heavens, which no later age could abolish.

唐初貞觀禮，冬至祀昊天上帝于圓丘，正月辛日祀感生帝靈威仰于南郊以祈穀，而孟夏雩于南郊，季秋大享于明堂，皆祀五天帝。至高宗時，禮官以謂太史圓丘圖，昊天上帝在壇上，而耀魄寶在壇第一等，則昊天上帝非耀魄寶可知，而祠令及顯慶禮猶著六天之說。顯慶二年，禮部尚書許敬宗與禮官等議曰：「六天出於緯書，而南郊、圓丘一也，玄以為二物；郊及明堂本以祭天，而玄皆以為祭太微五帝。傳曰：『凡祀，啟蟄而郊，郊而後耕。』故『郊祀后稷，以祈農事。』而玄謂周祭感帝靈威仰，配以后稷，因而祈穀。皆繆論也。」由是盡黜玄說，而南郊祈穀、孟夏雩、明堂大享皆祭昊天上帝。

Under early Tang's Zhenguan Rites, the winter solstice sacrifice to August Heaven the Supreme Lord was held at the Round Mound; on the first month's xin day the Life-Giving Emperor Spiritual Majesty Uplifted was sacrificed at the southern suburb to pray for grain; mid-summer rain-prayer and late-autumn great offering at the Bright Hall all honored the Five Heavenly Emperors. By Gaozong's reign, ritual officers noted that on the Grand Astrologer's Round Mound diagram August Heaven the Supreme Lord stood atop the altar while the Shining Soul Treasure occupied the first tier—proving they were not the same—yet the Sacrificial Code and Xianqing Rites still enshrined the Six Heavens doctrine. In Xianqing year 2, Xu Jingzong, Minister of Rites, and the ritual officers argued: "The Six Heavens derive from weft-text books; the southern suburb and Round Mound are one rite, yet Zheng Xuan treated them as two; suburban and Bright Hall rites were meant to honor Heaven, yet Zheng Xuan held them all to be sacrifices to the Supreme Palace Five Emperors. The Commentary says: 'For every sacrifice, when hibernating insects stir, perform suburban sacrifice; only after suburban sacrifice does plowing follow.' Hence 'suburban sacrifice to Hou Ji to pray for the harvest. Yet Zheng Xuan claimed Zhou sacrificed to the Life-Giving Emperor Spiritual Majesty Uplifted with Hou Ji as associate, and thereby prayed for grain. All of this is mistaken doctrine." Thereupon Zheng Xuan's doctrines were wholly rejected, and southern-suburb grain-prayer, mid-summer rain-prayer, and Bright Hall great offering all honored August Heaven the Supreme Lord.

乾封元年，詔祈穀復祀感帝。二年，又詔明堂兼祀昊天上帝及五帝。開元中，起居舍人王仲丘議曰：「按貞觀禮祈穀祀感帝，而顯慶禮祀昊天上帝。傳曰：『郊而後耕。』詩曰：『噫嘻春夏，祈穀于上帝。』禮記亦曰：『上辛祈穀于上帝。』而鄭玄乃云：『天之五帝迭王，王者之興必感其一，因別祭尊之。故夏正之月，祭其所生之帝於南郊，以其祖配之。故周祭靈威仰，以后稷配，因以祈穀。』然則祈穀非祭之本意，乃因后稷為配爾，此非祈穀之本義也。夫祈穀，本以祭天也，然五帝者五行之精，所以生九穀也，宜於祈穀祭昊天而兼祭五帝。」又曰：「月令，大雩、大享帝，皆盛祭也。而孟夏雩、季秋大享，貞觀禮皆祭五方帝，而顯慶禮皆祭昊天上帝，宜兼用之以合大雩、大享之義。」既而蕭嵩等撰定開元禮，雖未能合古，而天神之位別矣。

In Qianfeng year 1, an edict restored sacrifice to the Life-Giving Emperor for grain-prayer. The following year, another edict ordered the Bright Hall to honor both August Heaven the Supreme Lord and the Five Emperors. In the Kaiyuan era, Attendant Gentleman Wang Zhongqiu argued: "The Zhenguan Rites sacrifice to the Life-Giving Emperor for grain-prayer, while the Xianqing Rites sacrifice to August Heaven the Supreme Lord. The Commentary says: 'After suburban sacrifice comes plowing.' The Odes say: 'Ah, spring and summer—grain-prayer to the Supreme Lord. The Record of Rites also says: 'On the upper xin day, grain-prayer to the Supreme Lord.' Yet Zheng Xuan said: 'Heaven's Five Emperors reign in turn; when a king rises he is moved by one of them, and therefore sacrifices separately to honor that deity. Hence in the first summer month one sacrifices at the southern suburb to the emperor from whom one's house was born, with one's ancestor as associate. Hence Zhou sacrifices to Spiritual Majesty Uplifted with Hou Ji as associate, and thereby prays for grain. Yet grain-prayer is not sacrifice's original purpose; it arose only because Hou Ji serves as associate—this is not grain-prayer's true meaning. Grain-prayer is fundamentally sacrifice to Heaven; yet the Five Emperors are the essences of the five phases that produce the nine grains—grain-prayer should honor August Heaven and include the Five Emperors." He also said: "In the Monthly Ordinances, great rain-prayer and great offering to the emperors are both grand sacrifices. For mid-summer rain-prayer and late-autumn great offering, the Zhenguan Rites honor the Five Directional Emperors while the Xianqing Rites honor August Heaven the Supreme Lord—both should be combined to satisfy the meaning of great rain-prayer and great offering." Thereafter Xiao Song and others compiled the Kaiyuan Rites; though they could not match antiquity, the ranks of heavenly spirits were at last distinguished.

其配神之主，武德中，冬至及孟夏雩祭皇地祇于方丘、神州地祇於北郊，以景帝配；而上辛祈穀祀感帝于南郊，季秋祀五方天帝於明堂，以元帝配。貞觀初，圓丘、明堂、北郊以高祖配，而元帝惟配感帝。高宗永徽二年，以太宗配祀明堂，而有司乃以高祖配五天帝，太宗配五人帝。太尉長孫无忌等與禮官議，以謂：「自三代以來，歷漢、魏、晉、宋，無父子同配於明堂者。祭法曰：『周人禘嚳而郊稷，祖文王而宗武王。』鄭玄以祖宗合為一祭，謂祭五帝、五神于明堂，以文、武共配。而王肅駁曰：『古者祖功宗德，自是不毀之名，非謂配食於明堂。』春秋傳曰：『禘、郊、祖、宗、報，五者國之典祀也。』以此知祖、宗非一祭。」於是以高祖配于圓丘，太宗配于明堂。

As for associated spirits: under Wude, at the winter solstice and mid-summer rain-prayer the August Earth Lord was honored at the Square Mound and the Spirit of the Land of the Divine Province at the northern suburb, with Emperor Jing as associate; on the upper xin day grain-prayer honored the Life-Giving Emperor at the southern suburb; in late autumn the Five Directional Heavenly Emperors were honored at the Bright Hall, with Emperor Yuan as associate. Early in Zhenguan, the Round Mound, Bright Hall, and northern suburb had Gaozu as associate, while Emperor Yuan was associate only for the Life-Giving Emperor. In Yonghui year 2, Taizong was made associate at the Bright Hall, but the responsible officials paired Gaozu with the Five Heavenly Emperors and Taizong with the Five Human Emperors. Grand Preceptor Zhangsun Wuji and the ritual officers argued: "From the Three Dynasties through Han, Wei, Jin, and Song, father and son were never jointly associated at the Bright Hall. The Canon of Sacrifices says: 'Zhou performed di to Ku and suburban sacrifice to Ji; they took Wen as zu and Wu as zong.' Zheng Xuan merged zu and zong into one rite, holding that the Five Emperors and Five Spirits were sacrificed at the Bright Hall with Wen and Wu jointly as associates. Wang Su rebutted: 'In antiquity zu honored merit and zong honored virtue—titles never to be destroyed, not joint feasting at the Bright Hall.' The Zuo Commentary says: 'Di, suburban, zu, zong, and bao—these five are the state's canonical sacrifices. From this one knows zu and zong are not a single rite." Thereupon Gaozu was associated at the Round Mound and Taizong at the Bright Hall.

乾封二年，詔圓丘、五方、明堂、感帝、神州皆以高祖、太宗並配。則天垂拱元年，詔有司議，而成均助教孔玄義、太子右諭德沈伯儀、鳳閣舍人元萬頃范履冰議皆不同，而卒用萬頃、履冰之說。由是郊、丘諸祠，常以高祖、太宗、高宗並配。開元十一年，親享圓丘，中書令張說、衞尉少卿韋縚為禮儀使，乃以高祖配，而罷三祖並配。至二十年，蕭嵩等定禮，而祖宗之配定矣。

In Qianfeng year 2, an edict ordered the Round Mound, Five Directions, Bright Hall, Life-Giving Emperor, and Spirit of the Land all to have Gaozu and Taizong jointly as associates. In Chuigong year 1, Empress Wu ordered deliberation; Kong Xuanyi, Shen Boyi, Yuan Wanqing, and Fan Lubing all disagreed, but Wanqing and Lubing's view prevailed in the end. Henceforth at suburban and mound rites Gaozu, Taizong, and Gaozong were regularly associated together. In Kaiyuan year 11, when the emperor personally offered at the Round Mound, Zhang Yue and Wei Chao served as ritual commissioners; only Gaozu was associated and joint association of three ancestors was abolished. By year 20, when Xiao Song and others fixed the rites, ancestral association was settled.

寶應元年，太常卿杜鴻漸、禮儀使判官薛頎歸崇敬等言：「禘者，冬至祭天於圓丘，周人配以遠祖。唐高祖非始封之君，不得為太祖以配天地。而太祖景皇帝受封于唐，即殷之契、周之后稷也，請以太祖郊配天地。」諫議大夫黎幹以謂：「禘者，宗廟之事，非祭天，而太祖非受命之君，不宜作配。」為十詰十難以非之。書奏，不報。乃罷高祖，以景皇帝配。明年旱，言事者以為高祖不得配之過也。代宗疑之，詔羣臣議。太常博士獨孤及議曰：「受命於神宗，禹也，而夏后氏祖顓頊而郊鯀；纘禹黜夏，湯也，而殷人郊冥而祖契；革命作周，武王也，而周人郊稷而祖文王。太祖景皇帝始封于唐，天所命也。」由是配享不易。嗚呼，禮之失也，豈獨緯書之罪哉！在於學者好為曲說，而人君一切臨時申其私意，以增多為盡禮，而不知煩數之為黷也。

In Baoying year 1, Du Hongjian, Xue Qi, Gui Jingchong, and others said: "Di is winter-solstice sacrifice to Heaven at the Round Mound; Zhou people associated their remote ancestor. Tang Gaozu was not the lord of the original enfeoffment and could not serve as Grand Ancestor associated with Heaven and Earth. Yet Grand Ancestor Emperor Jing received enfeoffment in Tang—Tang's Qi and Zhou's Hou Ji—let the Grand Ancestor associate at suburban sacrifice with Heaven and Earth." Remonstrance Councillor Li Gan held that "di concerns the ancestral temple, not Heaven; the Grand Ancestor did not receive the Mandate and should not serve as associate." He composed ten questions and ten rebuttals against the proposal. The memorial was submitted but received no reply. Gaozu was removed and Emperor Jing was made associate. The next year brought drought; memorialists blamed Gaozu's removal from association. Daizong was uncertain and ordered the ministers to deliberate. Court Academician Dugu Ji argued: "Receiving the Mandate from the Divine Ancestor was Yu; yet Xia honored Zhuanxu in the temple and sacrificed to Gun at the suburb; continuing Yu and deposing Xia was Tang; yet the Shang sacrificed at the suburb to Ming and took Qi as zu; the revolution that made Zhou was King Wu; yet Zhou sacrificed at the suburb to Ji and took King Wen as zu. Grand Ancestor Emperor Jing first received enfeoffment in Tang—Heaven's command." Hence associated worship was not changed. Alas—the loss of ritual is not the fault of weft-text books alone! It lies in scholars' fondness for forced interpretations and rulers' wholesale improvisation to suit private whim, taking multiplication for exhaustive ritual without seeing that prolixity becomes impiety.

古者祭天於圓丘，在國之南，祭地於澤中之方丘，在國之北，所以順陰陽，因高下，而事天地以其類也。其方位既別，而其燎壇、瘞坎、樂舞變數亦皆不同，而後世有合祭之文。則天天冊萬歲元年，親享南郊，始合祭天地。

In antiquity Heaven was sacrificed at the Round Mound south of the capital; Earth at the Square Mound in the northern marsh—complying with yin and yang, following terrain, and serving Heaven and Earth each with its proper kind. Their positions being distinct, fire-altars, burial pits, music, and dances all differed—yet later ages produced texts for combined sacrifice. In Zhou Tiansui Wansui year 1, the emperor personally offered at the southern suburb and first combined sacrifice to Heaven and Earth.

睿宗即位，將有事於南郊，諫議大夫賈曾議曰：「祭法，有虞氏禘黃帝而郊嚳，夏后氏禘黃帝而郊鯀。郊之與廟，皆有禘也。禘於廟，則祖宗合食於太祖；禘於郊，則地祇羣望皆合於圓丘，以始祖配享。蓋有事之大祭，非常祀也。三輔故事：『祭于圓丘，上帝、后土位皆南面。』則漢嘗合祭矣。」國子祭酒褚無量、司業郭山惲等皆以曾言為然。是時睿宗將祭地於北郊，故曾之議寢。

When Ruizong was about to perform rites at the southern suburb, Remonstrance Councillor Jia Zeng argued: "The Canon of Sacrifices: You of Yu performed di to the Yellow Emperor and suburban sacrifice to Ku; Xia performed di to the Yellow Emperor and suburban sacrifice to Gun. Suburb and temple each have di. Di at the temple: ancestors jointly feast at the Grand Ancestor; di at the suburb: the Earth Lord and territorial spirits all combine at the Round Mound, with the founding ancestor as associate. These are great sacrifices for special occasions, not regular worship. Records of the Three Metropolises: 'Sacrifice at the Round Mound—the Supreme Lord and Earth Mother both face south.' So Han had already combined sacrifices." National University Director Chu Wuliang, Vice Director Guo Shanyun, and others all approved Jia Zeng's argument. At that time Ruizong was about to sacrifice to Earth at the northern suburb, so Jia Zeng's proposal was set aside.

玄宗既已定開元禮，天寶元年，遂合祭天地于南郊。是時，神仙道家之說興，陳王府參軍田同秀言：「玄元皇帝降丹鳳門。」乃建玄元廟。二月辛卯，親享玄元皇帝廟；甲午，親享太廟；丙申，有事于南郊。其後遂以為故事，終唐之世，莫能改也。為禮可不慎哉！

After Xuanzong fixed the Kaiyuan Rites, in Tianbao year 1 he combined sacrifice to Heaven and Earth at the southern suburb. At that time immortalist and Daoist doctrines flourished; Staff Officer Tian Tongxiu of the Prince of Chen's household reported: "The August Ancestor of the Mysterious Origin descended at Danfeng Gate." A temple to the Mysterious Origin was then built. On the second month's xinmao day, the emperor personally offered at the temple of the August Ancestor of the Mysterious Origin; on jiawu, personally enjoyed the Grand Temple; on bingshen, performed rites at the southern suburb. Thereafter this became precedent; through the Tang no one could change it. In ritual—can one not be cautious!

夫男女之不相褻於內外也，況郊廟乎？中宗時，將享南郊，國子祭酒祝欽明言皇后當助祭，太常博士唐紹、蔣欽緒以為不可，左僕射韋巨源獨以欽明說為是。於是以皇后為亞獻，補大臣李嶠等女為齋娘，以執籩豆焉。至德宗貞元六年，又以皇太子為亞獻，親王為終獻。

Men and women do not mingle within and without—how much more at suburban altars and temples? Under Zhongzong, when about to offer at the southern suburb, Zhu Qinming said the empress should assist; Tang Shao and Jiang Qinxu objected; Left Vice Director Wei Juyuan alone approved Zhu Qinming. The empress was made secondary presenter; ministers' daughters including Li Qiao's were appointed fasting maidens to hold baskets and stands. By Dezong's Zhenyuan year 6, the heir apparent was again secondary presenter and imperial princes final presenter.

孝經曰：「宗祀文王於明堂，以配上帝。」而三代有其名而無其制度，故自漢以來，諸儒之論不一，至於莫知所從，則一切臨時增損，而不能合古。然推其本旨，要於布政交神於王者尊嚴之居而已，其制作何必與古同！然為之者至無所據依，乃引天地、四時、風氣、乾坤、五行、數象之類以為倣像，而眾說亦不克成。

The Classic of Filial Piety says: "Perform zong sacrifice to King Wen at the Bright Hall to associate with the Supreme Lord." The Three Dynasties had the name without the institution; from Han onward scholars disagreed until none knew which view to follow—everything was improvised by addition and subtraction, unable to match antiquity. Yet at root it comes down to dispensing government and communing with spirits in the ruler's seat of dignity—why must construction match antiquity! Yet builders had nothing to rely on and cited Heaven and Earth, seasons, winds, qian and kun, five phases, numbers, and images as models—and the many theories still could not agree.

隋無明堂，而季秋大享，常寓雩壇；唐高祖、太宗時，寓於圓丘。貞觀中，禮部尚書豆盧寬、國子助教劉伯莊議：「從崑崙道上層以祭天，下層以布政。」而太子中允孔穎達以為非。侍中魏徵以謂：「五室重屋，上圓下方，上以祭天，下以布政。自前世儒者所言雖異，而以為如此者多同。至於高下廣狹丈尺之制，可以因事制宜也。」祕書監顏師古曰：「周書敍明堂有應門、雉門之制，以此知為王者之常居爾。其青陽、總章、玄堂、太廟、左右个，皆路寢之名也。文王居明堂之篇，帶弓䪅，禮高禖，九門磔禳，國有酒以合三族，推其事皆與月令合，則皆在路寢也。大戴禮曰在近郊，又曰文王之廟也，此奚足以取信哉？且門有臯、庫，豈得施於郊野，謂宜近在宮中。」徵及師古等皆當世名儒，其論止於如此。

Sui had no Bright Hall; the late-autumn great offering was regularly held at the rain-prayer altar; under Gaozu and Taizong it was lodged at the Round Mound. In Zhenguan, Dou Lu Kuan and Liu Bozhuang argued: "Following the Kunlun path, sacrifice to Heaven on the upper level and dispense government below." Yet Palace Attendant Kong Yingda rejected this. Wei Zheng argued: "Five chambers in a double-eaved hall, round above and square below—above to sacrifice to Heaven, below to dispense government. Though earlier scholars differed, most who held this view agreed. As for height, breadth, and dimensions in feet and inches, one may adapt to circumstances." Palace Library Director Yan Shigu said: "The Zhou Documents describe the Bright Hall with outer and inner gate regulations—from this one knows it was the king's regular residence. Green Yang, Total Manifestation, Mysterious Hall, Grand Temple, and the left and right niches are all names of the inner chambers. The passage on King Wen in the Bright Hall—girding bow and quiver, rites to the High Matron, exorcism at the nine gates, state wine to unite the three clans—traced one by one, all match the Monthly Ordinances; all were in the inner chambers. The Greater Dai Rites says near the outer suburb and also calls it King Wen's temple—how can this be credited? Moreover gates have watch and store towers—how could they stand in suburban wilds? It should lie near within the palace." Wei Zheng and Yan Shigu were famous Confucians of their day, yet their discussions went no further than this.

高宗時改元總章，分萬年置明堂縣，示欲必立之。而議者益紛然，或以為五室，或以為九室，而高宗依兩議，以帟幕為之，與公卿臨觀，而議益不一。乃下詔率意班其制度。至取象黃琮，上設鴟尾，其言益不經，而明堂亦不能立。

Under Gaozong the reign title was changed to Zongzhang; Wannian was split to establish Bright Hall County, signaling intent to build it. Debate grew more tangled—some wanted five chambers, some nine; Gaozong followed both and built it with tent curtains for ministers to inspect, yet opinions only diverged further. An edict was then issued arbitrarily promulgating its design. When it came to modeling yellow jade disks and setting owl-tails atop, the talk grew more absurd—and the Bright Hall still could not stand.

至則天始毀東都乾元殿，以其地立明堂，其制淫侈，無復可觀，皆不足記。其後火焚之，既而又復立；開元五年，復以為乾元殿而不毀。初，則天以木為瓦，夾紵漆之。二十五年，玄宗遣將作大匠康𧦬素毀之。𧦬素以為勞人，乃去其上層，易以真瓦。而迄唐之世，季秋大享，皆寓圓丘。

Only under Empress Wu was the eastern capital's Qianyuan Hall torn down and the Bright Hall built on its site; the design was extravagantly excessive, nothing worth viewing—unworthy of record. Later it burned; then it was rebuilt; in Kaiyuan year 5 it was restored as Qianyuan Hall without being torn down. At first Wu Zetian used wood for tiles, sandwiching ramie and lacquering them. In year 25, Xuanzong sent Master of Works Kang Su to destroy it. Kang Su thought it wasted labor, removed only the upper story, and replaced it with real tiles. Yet through the Tang, the late-autumn great offering was always lodged at the Round Mound.

書曰：「七世之廟，可以觀德。」而禮家之說，世數不同。然自禮記王制、祭法、禮器，大儒荀卿、劉歆、班固、王肅之徒，以為七廟者多。蓋自漢、魏以來，創業之君特起，其上世微，又無功德以備祖宗，故其初皆不能立七廟。

The Documents say: "A temple of seven generations can display virtue." Yet ritualists disagree on the number of generations. From the Wang Zhi, Canon of Sacrifices, and Rites Implements, and from Xunzi, Liu Xin, Ban Gu, Wang Su, and the like, most held for seven temples. From Han and Wei onward, founding rulers rose from nothing; their forebears were obscure and lacked merit to fill the ancestral line—hence at first none could establish seven temples.

唐武德元年，始立四廟，曰宣簡公、懿王、景皇帝、元皇帝。貞觀九年，高祖崩，太宗詔有司定議。諫議大夫朱子奢請立七廟，虛太祖之室以待。於是尚書八座議：「禮曰：『天子，三昭三穆，與太祖之廟而七。』晉、宋、齊、梁皆立親廟六，此故事也。」制曰：「可。」於是祔弘農府君及高祖為六室。二十三年，太宗崩，弘農府君以世遠毀，藏夾室，遂祔太宗：及高宗崩，宣皇帝遷于夾室，而祔高宗。皆為六室。

In Wude year 1, four temples were first established: Duke Xuanjian, King Yi, Emperor Jing, and Emperor Yuan. In Zhenguan year 9, Gaozu died; Taizong ordered deliberation. Remonstrance Councillor Zhu Zishe requested seven temples, leaving the Grand Ancestor's chamber vacant. The Eight Ministers deliberated: "The Rites say: 'The Son of Heaven—three zhao and three mu, with the Grand Ancestor's temple makes seven. Jin, Song, Qi, and Liang all established six intimate temples—this is precedent.' The decree said: "Approved." Thereupon Lord of Hongnong and Gaozu were enshrined as six chambers. In year 23 Taizong died; Lord of Hongnong was destroyed for remoteness and stored in the side chamber, and Taizong was enshrined; when Gaozong died, Emperor Xuan moved to the side chamber and Gaozong was enshrined. All remained six chambers.

武氏亂敗，中宗神龍元年，已復京太廟，又立太廟于東都。議立始祖為七廟，而議者欲以涼武昭王為始祖。太常博士張齊賢議以為不可，因曰：「古者有天下者事七世，而始封之君謂之太祖。太祖之廟，百世不遷。至祫祭，則毀廟皆以昭穆合食于太祖。商祖玄王，周祖后稷，其世數遠，而遷廟之主皆出太祖後，故合食之序，尊卑不差。漢以高皇帝為太祖，而太上皇不在合食之列，為其尊於太祖也。魏以武帝為太祖，晉以宣帝為太祖，武、宣而上，廟室皆不合食于祫，至隋亦然。唐受天命，景皇帝始封之君，太祖也，以其世近，而在三昭三穆之內，而光皇帝以上，皆以屬尊不列合食。今宜以景皇帝為太祖，復祔宣皇帝為七室，而太祖以上四室皆不合食于祫。」博士劉承慶、尹知章議曰：「三昭三穆與太祖為七廟者，禮也。而王迹有淺深，太祖有遠近，太祖以功建，昭穆以親崇。有功者不遷，親盡者則毀。今以太祖近而廟數不備，乃欲於昭穆之外，遠立當遷之主以足七廟，而乖迭毀之義，不可。」天子下其議大臣，禮部尚書祝欽明兩用其言，於是以景皇帝為始祖，而不祔宣皇帝。已而以孝敬皇帝為義宗，祔于廟，由是為七室，而京太廟亦七室。中宗崩，中書令姚元之、吏部尚書宋璟以為「義宗，追尊之帝，不宜列昭穆，而其葬在洛州，請立別廟于東都，而有司時享，其京廟神主藏于夾室」。由是祔中宗，而光皇帝不遷，遂為七室矣。

When the Wu disorder collapsed, in Zhongzong's Shenlong year 1 the capital Grand Temple was restored and a Grand Temple was established at the eastern capital. Debate arose to establish a founding ancestor for seven temples; some wished to make Prince Zhaowang of Liang the founding ancestor. Court Academician Zhang Qixian argued this impossible, saying: "In antiquity rulers of the realm served seven generations; the lord of the original enfeoffment is the Grand Ancestor. The Grand Ancestor's temple is never moved for a hundred generations. At di and xia sacrifices, destroyed temples all jointly feast at the Grand Ancestor by zhao and mu. Shang's Dark King and Zhou's Hou Ji stand generations remote; moved lords all descend from the Grand Ancestor, so joint feasting preserves proper rank. Han took Emperor Gao as Grand Ancestor, yet the Grand Emperor Supreme was excluded from joint feasting as senior to the Grand Ancestor. Wei took Emperor Wu as Grand Ancestor, Jin Emperor Xuan as Grand Ancestor—above them, temple chambers did not join xia feasting, as through Sui. Tang received the Mandate; Emperor Jing, lord of original enfeoffment, was Grand Ancestor; his generation being near, he fell within three zhao and three mu, while above Emperor Guang all were excluded by senior rank. Now Emperor Jing should be Grand Ancestor, Emperor Xuan re-enshrined for seven chambers, and the four chambers above the Grand Ancestor should not join xia feasting. Liu Chengqing and Yin Zhizhang argued: "Three zhao and three mu with the Grand Ancestor for seven temples is ritual law. Royal traces have shallow and deep stages; the Grand Ancestor has near and far; the Grand Ancestor is established by merit, zhao and mu by intimacy. Those with merit are not moved; when intimacy is exhausted they are destroyed. Now the Grand Ancestor is near yet temple numbers are incomplete—wishing beyond zhao and mu to install lords due for removal to complete seven temples violates successive destruction—this cannot stand. The emperor referred the debate to ministers; Zhu Qinming used both views; Emperor Jing was made founding ancestor without enshrining Emperor Xuan. Thereafter Emperor Xiaojing was made Righteous Ancestor and enshrined—seven chambers in the capital Grand Temple. When Zhongzong died, Yao Yuanzhi and Song Jing held that "the Righteous Ancestor, posthumously honored, should not stand in zhao and mu; buried in Luozhou—establish a separate eastern-capital temple with seasonal offerings and store his capital tablets in the side chamber." Zhongzong was enshrined; Emperor Guang was not moved—seven chambers.

睿宗崩，博士陳貞節、蘇獻等議曰：「古者兄弟不相為後，殷之盤庚，不序於陽甲；漢之光武，不嗣於孝成；而晉懷帝亦繼世祖而不繼惠帝。蓋兄弟相代，昭穆位同，至其當遷，不可兼毀二廟。荀卿子曰：『有天下者事七世。』謂從禰以上也。若傍容兄弟，上毀祖考，則天子有不得事七世者矣。孝和皇帝有中興之功而無後，宜如殷之陽甲，出為別廟，祔睿宗以繼高宗。」於是立中宗廟于太廟之西。

When Ruizong died, Chen Zhenjie and Su Xian argued: "In antiquity brothers did not succeed one another; Yin Pan Geng is not sequenced after Yang Jia; Han Guangwu did not succeed Xiaocheng; yet Jin Emperor Huai succeeded Shizu, not Emperor Hui. When brothers alternate, zhao and mu coincide; when removal is due, two temples cannot both be destroyed. Xunzi said: 'Those who possess the realm serve seven generations. Meaning from the father upward. If one sideways accommodates brothers and destroys ancestors above, the Son of Heaven cannot serve seven generations. Emperor Xiaohe had restoration merit but no heir; like Yin Yang Jia he should have a separate temple, with Ruizong enshrined to continue Gaozong. A temple to Zhongzong was established west of the Grand Temple.

開元十年，詔宣皇帝復祔于正室，謚為獻祖，幷謚光皇帝為懿祖。又以中宗還祔太廟，於是太廟為九室。將親祔之，而遇雨不克行，乃命有司行事。寶應二年，祧獻祖、懿祖，祔玄宗、肅宗。自是之後，常為九室矣。

In Kaiyuan year 10, an edict re-enshrined Emperor Xuan in the main chamber as Xianzu and posthumously titled Emperor Guang Yizu. Zhongzong was returned to the Grand Temple—the Grand Temple had nine chambers. When about to enshrine in person, rain prevented it; the responsible offices performed the rites. In Baoying year 2, Xianzu and Yizu were removed to the distant line; Xuanzong and Suzong were enshrined. Thereafter it was regularly nine chambers.

代宗崩，禮儀使顏真卿議：「太祖、高祖、太宗皆不毀，而代祖元皇帝當遷。」於是遷元皇帝而祔代宗。德宗崩，禮儀使杜黃裳議：「高宗在三昭三穆外，當遷。」於是遷高宗而祔德宗，蓋以中、睿為昭穆矣。順宗崩，當遷中宗，而有司疑之，以謂則天革命，中宗中興之主也。博士王涇、史官蔣武皆以為中宗得失在己，非漢光武、晉元帝之比，不得為中興不遷之君。由是遷中宗而祔順宗。

When Daizong died, Yan Zhenqing argued: "Grand Ancestor, Gaozu, and Taizong are not destroyed; dynastic ancestor Emperor Yuan should be moved. Emperor Yuan was moved and Daizong enshrined. When Dezong died, Du Huangchang argued: "Gaozong stands outside three zhao and three mu and should be moved. Gaozong was moved and Dezong enshrined—Zhongzong and Ruizong serving as zhao and mu. When Shunzong died, Zhongzong should have been moved; officials hesitated, holding that after Wu Zetian's revolution Zhongzong was a restoration lord. Wang Jing and Jiang Wu held Zhongzong's success and failure were his own—not comparable to Guangwu or Jin Yuan—and he could not be an unmoved restoration lord. Zhongzong was moved and Shunzong enshrined.

自憲宗、穆宗、敬宗、文宗四世祔廟，睿、玄、肅、代以次遷。至武宗崩，德宗以次當遷，而於世次為高祖，禮官始覺其非，以謂兄弟不相為後，不得為昭穆，乃議復祔代宗。而議者言：「已祧之主不得復入太廟。」禮官曰：「昔晉元、明之世，已遷豫章、潁川，後皆復祔，此故事也。」議者又言：「廟室有定數，而無後之主當置別廟。」禮官曰：「晉武帝時，景、文同廟，廟雖六代，其實七主。至元帝、明帝，廟皆十室，故賀循曰：『廟以容主為限，而無常數也。』」於是復祔代宗，而以敬宗、文宗、武宗同為一代。初，玄宗之復祔獻祖也，詔曰：「使親而不盡，遠而不祧。」蓋其率意而言爾，非本於禮也。而後之為說者，乃遷就其事，以謂三昭三穆與太祖祖功宗德三廟不遷為九廟者，周制也。及敬、文、武三宗為一代，故終唐之世，常為九代十一室焉。

Xianzong, Muzong, Jingzong, and Wenzong were enshrined; Ruizong, Xuanzong, Suzong, and Daizong moved in turn. When Wuzong died, Dezong and below should have moved; by generation he was Gaozu; ritual officers first saw the error—brothers do not succeed one another and cannot be zhao and mu—and debated re-enshrining Daizong. Critics said: "Lords already removed to the distant line cannot re-enter the Grand Temple. Ritual officers cited Jin under Yuan and Ming, when Yuzhang and Yingchuan were moved yet later re-enshrined—precedent. Critics also said: "Temple chambers have fixed numbers; lords without heirs need separate temples." Ritual officers cited Jin Emperor Wu, when Jing and Wen shared a temple—six generations in name, seven lords in fact. Under Yuan and Ming, temples had ten chambers; He Xun said: 'Temples are limited by capacity for tablets, not by fixed number. Daizong was re-enshrined, and Jingzong, Wenzong, and Wuzong were counted as one generation. When Xuanzong re-enshrined Xianzu, the edict said: "Let intimacy not be exhausted, remoteness not cut off. That was spoken arbitrarily, not rooted in ritual. Later theorists accommodated the affair, holding nine temples—three zhao and three mu plus Grand Ancestor and unmoved zu and zong—to be Zhou institution. With Jing, Wen, and Wu as one generation, through the Tang it was regularly nine generations and eleven chambers.

開元五年，太廟四室壞，奉其神主于太極殿，天子素服避正殿，輟朝三日。時將行幸東都，遂謁神主于太極殿而後行。安祿山之亂，宗廟為賊所焚，肅宗復京師，設次光順門外，嚮廟而哭，輟朝三日。其後黃巢陷京師，焚毀宗廟，而僖宗出奔，神主法物從行，皆為賊所掠。巢敗，復京師，素服哭于廟而後入。

In Kaiyuan year 5, four Grand Temple chambers collapsed; tablets were placed in the Hall of Supreme Ultimate; the emperor wore plain dress, avoided the main hall, and suspended court three days. About to travel east, he paid respects to the tablets in the Hall of Supreme Ultimate before departing. In An Lushan's rebellion the temple was burned; Suzong recovered the capital, set a station outside Guangshun Gate, faced the temple and wept, and suspended court three days. Later Huang Chao burned the temple; Xizong fled with tablets and ritual objects—all plundered by rebels. When Chao fell and the capital was recovered, the emperor wore plain dress, wept at the temple, then entered.

初，唐建東、西二都，而東都無廟。則天皇后僭號稱周，立周七廟于東都以祀武氏，改西京唐太廟為享德廟。神龍元年，中宗復位，遷武氏廟主于西京，為崇尊廟，而以東都武氏故廟為唐太廟，祔光皇帝以下七室而親享焉。由是東西二都皆有廟，歲時並享。其後安祿山陷兩京，宗廟皆焚毀。肅宗即位，西都建廟作主，而東都太廟毀為軍營，九室神主亡失，至大曆中，始於人間得之，寓于太微宮，不復祔享。自建中至于會昌，議者不一，或以為：「東西二京宜皆有廟，而舊主當瘞，虛其廟以俟，巡幸則載主而行。」或謂：「宜藏其神主于夾室。」或曰：「周豐、洛有廟者，因遷都乃立廟爾，今東都不因遷而立廟，非也。」又曰：「古者載主以行者，惟新遷一室之主爾，未有載羣廟之主者也。」至武宗時，悉廢羣議，詔有司擇日修東都廟。已而武宗崩，宣宗竟以太微神主祔東都廟焉。

At first Tang had eastern and western capitals, but the eastern capital had no temple. Empress Wu usurped as Zhou, built Zhou's seven temples at the eastern capital for the Wu clan, and renamed the western capital's Tang Grand Temple Temple of Enjoyed Virtue. In Shenlong year 1 Zhongzong was restored; Wu tablets moved west as Temple of Honored Reverence; the eastern Wu temple became the Tang Grand Temple, enshrining from Emperor Guang seven chambers with personal imperial offerings. Hence both capitals had temples with joint seasonal offerings. Later An Lushan took both capitals and burned the temples. Suzong built the western temple; the eastern Grand Temple became barracks, nine chambers' tablets lost—recovered in the Dali era, lodged at Taiwei Palace, never re-enshrined. From Jianzhong to Huichang debate continued; some held both capitals should have temples, old tablets buried, the temple left vacant, tablets carried on tours. Others said tablets should be stored in side chambers. Others said Zhou's Feng and Luo had temples only because of relocation—the eastern capital was not founded by relocation, which is wrong. Others said antiquity carried tablets only for a newly moved single chamber—never a whole temple's tablets. By Wuzong all debates were abolished; an edict ordered repair of the eastern-capital temple. Wuzong then died; Xuanzong enshrined the Taiwei tablets in the eastern-capital temple.

其追贈皇后、追尊皇太后、贈皇太子往往皆立別廟。其近於禮者，後世當求諸禮。其不合於禮而出其私意者，蓋其制作與其論議皆不足取焉，故不著也。

Posthumous honors for empresses, empress dowagers, and crown princes often each had separate temples. What approaches ritual, later ages should judge by ritual. What violates ritual and serves private whim—its constructions and debates are not worth recording; hence they are omitted.

宣宗已復河、湟三州七關，歸其功順宗、憲宗而加謚號。博士李稠請改作神主，易書新謚。右司郎中楊發等議，以謂：「古者已祔之主無改作，加謚追尊，非禮也，始於則天，然猶不改主易書，宜以新謚寶冊告于陵廟可也。」是時，宰相以謂士族之廟皆就易書，乃就舊主易書新謚焉。

Xuanzong recovered the three prefectures and seven passes of He and Huang; he credited Shunzong and Xianzong and added posthumous titles. Academician Li Chou requested remaking spirit tablets and rewriting them for new posthumous titles. Yang Fa and others argued: "In antiquity enshrined tablets were not remade; adding posthumous titles is not ritual—it began under Wu Zetian, yet even then tablets were not remade; new posthumous seals should be announced at tomb and temple. Chief ministers noted gentry temples all rewrote old tablets—so imperial tablets were rewritten for new posthumous titles.

禘、祫，大祭也。祫以昭穆合食于太祖，而禘以審諦其尊卑，此祫、禘之義，而為禮者失之，至於年數不同，祖、宗失位，而議者莫知所從。禮曰：「三年一祫，五年一禘。」傳曰：「五年再殷祭。」高宗上元三年十月當祫，而有司疑其年數。太學博士史玄璨等議，以為：「新君喪畢而祫，明年而禘。自是之後，五年而再祭。蓋後禘去前禘五年，而祫常在禘後三年，禘常在祫後二年。魯宣公八年禘僖公，蓋二年喪畢而祫，明年而禘，至八年而再禘。昭公二十年禘，至二十五年又禘，此可知也。」議者以玄璨等言有經據，遂從之。睿宗崩，開元六年喪畢而祫，明年而禘。自是之後，祫、禘各自以年，不相通數。凡七祫五禘，至二十七年，禘、祫並在一歲，有司覺其非，乃議以為一禘一祫，五年再殷，宜通數。而禘後置祫，歲數遠近，二說不同。鄭玄用高堂隆先三而後二，徐邈先二後三。而邈以謂二禘相去為月六十，中分三十，置一祫焉。此最為得，遂用其說。由是一禘一祫，在五年之間，合於再殷之義，而置祫先後，則不同焉。

Di and xia are great sacrifices. Xia joins zhao and mu at the Grand Ancestor; di scrutinizes rank—this is their meaning; yet ritualists lost it until year-counts diverged and zu and zong lost place, and debaters knew not which view to follow. The Rites say: "Xia every three years, di every five years. The Commentary says: "Every five years, two full sacrifices." In Gaozong's Shangyuan year 3, tenth month, xia was due; officials doubted the year-count. Shi Xuanzan and others argued: "After the new ruler's mourning ends comes xia; the next year di. Thereafter sacrifices came every five years. Later di falls five years after earlier di; xia regularly three years after di; di two years after xia. Lu in Duke Xuan year 8 di to Duke Xi—mourning ended in year 2 with xia; di the next year; di again by year 8. Duke Zhao year 20 di; di again by year 25—this shows the pattern. Debaters found Shi Xuanzan's argument canonical and followed it. When Ruizong died, Kaiyuan year 6 mourning ended and xia came; di the next year. Thereafter xia and di each kept separate year-counts. Seven xia and five di in all; by year 27 di and xia fell in one year; officials saw the error and argued one di and one xia in five years should share a single count. Yet whether xia follows di and the interval in years—two theories differed. Zheng Xuan followed Gao Tanglong's three-then-two; Xu Miao two-then-three. Xu Miao held two di sixty months apart, split the interval in half, and placed one xia between. This was judged most correct and adopted. Hence one di and one xia within five years matched two full sacrifices, while xia's placement before or after di differed.

禮，禘、祫，太祖位于西而東向，其子孫列為昭穆，昭南向而穆北向。雖已毀廟之主，皆出而序于昭穆。殷、周之興，太祖世遠，而羣廟之主皆出其後，故其禮易明。漢、魏以來，其興也暴，又其上世微，故創國之君為太祖而世近，毀廟之主皆在太祖之上，於是禘、祫不得如古。而漢、魏之制，太祖而上，毀廟之主皆不合食。

At di and xia the Grand Ancestor sits west facing east; descendants array as zhao and mu—zhao south-facing, mu north-facing. Even lords of destroyed temples come forth and take place in zhao and mu. In Yin and Zhou's rise the Grand Ancestor stood generations remote and all moved lords descended after him—hence the rite was clear. From Han and Wei rise was sudden and forebears obscure; the founding lord became Grand Ancestor yet stood near in generation, destroyed lords all above him—di and xia could not match antiquity. Under Han and Wei, lords above the Grand Ancestor did not join joint feasting.

唐興，以景皇帝為太祖，而世近在三昭三穆之內，至祫、禘，乃虛東向之位，而太祖與羣廟列於昭穆。代宗即位，祔玄宗、肅宗，而遷獻祖、懿祖于夾室。於是太祖居第一室，禘、祫得正其位而東向，而獻、懿不合食。建中二年，太學博士陳京請為獻祖、懿祖立別廟，至禘、祫則享。禮儀使顏真卿議曰：「太祖景皇帝居百代不遷之尊，而禘、祫之時，暫居昭穆，屈己以奉祖宗可也。」乃引晉蔡謨議，以獻祖居東向，而懿祖、太祖以下左右為昭穆。由是議者紛然。

Tang took Emperor Jing as Grand Ancestor, near within three zhao and three mu; at xia and di the east-facing seat was left vacant and the Grand Ancestor stood among zhao and mu. When Daizong took the throne, Xuanzong and Suzong were enshrined; Xianzu and Yizu moved to side chambers. The Grand Ancestor occupied the first chamber; di and xia could seat him east-facing, while Xian and Yi did not join feasting. In Jianzhong year 2, Chen Jing requested separate temples for Xianzu and Yizu, offering at di and xia. Yan Zhenqing argued: "Grand Ancestor Emperor Jing holds unmoved honor; temporarily standing in zhao and mu at di and xia to serve ancestors is acceptable. He cited Jin Cai Mo: Xianzu east-facing, Yizu and Grand Ancestor below as zhao and mu. Debate grew tangled.

貞元十七年，太常卿裴郁議，以太祖百代不遷，獻、懿二祖親盡廟遷而居東向，非是。請下百寮議。工部郎中張薦等議與真卿同。太子左庶子李嶸等七人曰：「真卿所用，晉蔡謨之議也。謨為『禹不先鯀』之說，雖有其言，當時不用。獻、懿二祖宜藏夾室，以合祭法『遠廟為祧，而壇、墠有禱則祭，無禱則止』之義。」吏部郎中柳冕等十二人曰：「周禮有先公之祧，遷祖藏於后稷之廟，其周未受命之祧乎？又有先王之祧，其遷主藏於文、武之廟，其周已受命之祧乎？今獻祖、懿祖，猶周先公也，請築別廟以居之。」司勳員外郎裴樞曰：「建石室於寢園以藏神主，至禘、祫之歲則祭之。」考功員外郎陳京、同官縣尉仲子陵皆曰：「遷神主於德明、興聖廟。」京兆少尹韋武曰：「祫則獻祖東向，禘則太祖東向。」十一年，左司郎中陸淳曰：「議者多矣，不過三而已。一曰復太祖之正位，二曰並列昭穆而虛東向，三曰祫則獻祖，禘則太祖，迭居東向。而復正太祖之位為是。然太祖復位，則獻、懿之主宜有所歸。一曰藏諸夾室，二曰置之別廟，三曰遷于園寢，四曰祔於興聖。然而藏諸夾室，則無饗獻之期；置之別廟，則非禮經之文；遷于寢園，則亂宗廟之儀。唯祔于興聖為是。」至十九年，左僕射姚南仲等獻議五十七封，付都省集議。戶部尚書王紹等五十五人請遷懿祖祔興聖廟，議遂定，由是太祖始復東向之位。

In Zhenyuan year 17, Pei Yu argued the unmoved Grand Ancestor with Xian and Yi, intimacy exhausted and temples moved, seated east-facing—was wrong. He requested referral to all officials. Zhang Jian and others agreed with Yan Zhenqing. Li Rong and seven others said: "Zhenqing followed Jin Cai Mo. Mo argued 'Yu did not place Gun first'—though recorded, it was not adopted. Xian and Yi should rest in side chambers, per the Canon: 'Remote temples become tiao; at altars sacrifice when prayed, stop when not. Liu Mian and twelve others said: "The Zhou Rites have the former duke's tiao, moved ancestors stored in Hou Ji's temple—is that Zhou before the Mandate? There is the former king's tiao, moved lords stored in Wen and Wu's temple—is that after the Mandate? Xianzu and Yizu are like Zhou's former dukes—build separate temples for them." Pei Shu said: "Build stone chambers in the tomb park for tablets; offer in di and xia years." Chen Jing and Zhong Ziling both said: "Move tablets to the Deming and Xingsheng temples." Wei Wu said: "At xia Xianzu faces east; at di the Grand Ancestor faces east." In year 11, Lu Chun said: "Debates boil down to three views. First restore the Grand Ancestor's seat; second array zhao and mu with east vacant; third alternate Xianzu at xia and Grand Ancestor at di east-facing. Restoring the Grand Ancestor's proper seat is correct. Yet restoring the Grand Ancestor requires a home for Xian and Yi's tablets. Options: side chambers; separate temples; tomb park; enshrine at Xingsheng. Storing in side chambers offers no feast schedule; separate temples lack canonical text; tomb park storage disrupts temple protocol. Only enshrining at Xingsheng is correct." By year 19 Yao Nanzhong submitted fifty-seven memorials for collective deliberation. Wang Shao and fifty-five others moved Yizu to Xingsheng; debate ended—the Grand Ancestor regained the east-facing seat.

若諸臣之享其親，廟室、服器之數，視其品。開元十二年著令，一品、二品四廟，三品三廟，五品二廟，嫡士一廟，庶人祭於寢。及定禮，二品以上四廟，三品三廟，三品以上不須爵者亦四廟，四廟有始封為五廟，四品、五品有兼爵亦三廟，六品以下達于庶人，祭於寢。天寶十載，京官正員四品清望及四品、五品清官，聽立廟，勿限兼爵。雖品及而建廟未逮，亦聽寢祭。

For ministers honoring kin, temple chambers and vessels depend on rank. Kaiyuan year 12 regulations: ranks 1–2 four temples, rank 3 three, rank 5 two, legitimate gentry one, commoners sacrifice in the chamber. When rites were fixed: rank 2+ four temples, rank 3 three; rank 3+ without title also four; original enfeoffment makes five; ranks 4–5 with title three; rank 6 down to commoners sacrifice in the chamber. Tianbao year 10: capital officials of regular fourth rank in clear expectation and fourth- and fifth-rank clear offices could build temples regardless of concurrent titles. Though rank qualified before a temple was built, chamber sacrifice was permitted.

廟之制，三品以上九架，廈兩旁。三廟者五間，中為三室，左右廈一間，前後虛之，無重栱、藻井。室皆為石室一，於西墉三之一近南，距地四尺，容二主。廟垣周之，為南門、東門，門屋三室，而上間以廟，增建神廚於廟東之少南，齋院於東門之外少北，制勿逾於廟。三品以上有神主，五品以上有几筵。牲以少牢，羊、豕一，六品以下特豚，不以祖禰貴賤，皆子孫之牲。牲闕，代以野獸。五品以上室異牲，六品以下共牲。二品以上室以籩豆十，三品以八，四品、五品以六。五品以上室皆簠二、簋二、㽅二、鈃二、俎三、尊二、罍二、勺二、爵六、盤一、坫一、篚一、牙盤胙俎一。祭服，三品以上玄冕，五品以上爵弁，六品以下進賢冠，各以其服。

Temple design: rank 3+ nine bays with side galleries. Three-temple holders: five bays, three central chambers, one-bay side galleries, void front and rear, no bracket sets or caisson ceilings. Each chamber: one stone niche on the western wall one-third from the south, four feet high, holding two tablets. Walls with south and east gates, three-bay gate buildings; spirit kitchen southeast, fasting compound north of east gate—nothing larger than the temple. Rank 3+ have spirit tablets; rank 5+ have offering mats. Victims: shao lao—one sheep and one pig; rank 6 and below a single suckling pig; all descendants' offerings regardless of ancestor rank. If victims are lacking, wild game substitutes. Rank 5+ separate victims per chamber; rank 6 and below share. Rank 2+ ten baskets and stands per chamber; rank 3 eight; ranks 4–5 six. Rank 5+ per chamber: two grain trays, two bowls, two cups, two bells, three stands, two jars, two urns, two ladles, six goblets, one basin, one mound, one basket, one sacrificial stand. Sacrificial dress: rank 3+ dark coronet; rank 5+ cap of nobility; rank 6 and below advancement-worthy cap in regular dress.

凡祔皆給休五日，時享皆四日。散齋二日於正寢，致齋一日於廟，子孫陪者齋一宿於家。始廟則署主而祔，後喪闋乃祔，喪二十八月上旬卜而祔，始神事之矣。王公之主載以輅，夫人之主以翟車，其餘皆以輿。天子以四孟、臘享太廟，諸臣避之，祭仲而不臘。三歲一祫，五歲一禘。若祔、若常享、若禘祫，卜日、齋戒、省牲、視滌、濯鼎鑊，亨牲、實饌、三獻、飲福、受胙進退之數，大抵如宗廟之祀。以國官亞、終獻，無則以親賓，以子弟。

Enshrinement grants five days' rest; seasonal offerings four. Two days dispersed fasting at home, one day at the temple; accompanying descendants fast one night at home. New temples: inscribe the tablet then enshrine; after mourning ends; divine in the upper ten days of month 28 of mourning—then spirit rites begin. Dukes' tablets ride chariots, ladies' pheasant carts, others litters. The emperor offers at the Grand Temple on four meng and la days; ministers avoid them—sacrifice to Zhong but not la. Xia every three years, di every five. Enshrining, seasonal offerings, di and xia—divining days, fasting, inspecting victims, wash-water, cauldrons, cooking, offerings, three presentations, blessing wine, sacrificial flesh, advance and retreat—mostly follow Grand Temple protocol. State officials serve as secondary and final presenters; if none, kin guests or younger kinsmen.

其後不卜日，而筮用亥。祭寢者，春、秋以分，冬、夏以至日。若祭春分，則廢元日。然元正，歲之始，冬至，陽之復，二節最重。祭不欲數，乃廢春分，通為四。

Later they ceased divining days; divination used the hai day. Chamber sacrifice: spring and autumn at equinoxes, winter and summer at solstices. If sacrificing at spring equinox, New Year's day is canceled. Yet New Year's begins the year and winter solstice restores yang—the two weightiest nodes. Sacrifice should not be too frequent—spring equinox was dropped, leaving four.

祠器以烏漆，差小常制。祭服以進賢冠，主婦花釵禮衣，後或改衣冠從公服，無則常服。凡祭之在廟、在寢，既畢，皆親賓子孫慰，主人以常服見。

Temple vessels black lacquer, somewhat smaller than standard measure. Sacrificial dress: advancement-worthy cap; mistress flower pin and ritual robe; later sometimes official dress; otherwise regular dress. When temple or chamber sacrifice ends, kin and descendants console; the host receives them in regular dress.

若宗子有故，庶子攝祭，則祝曰：「孝子某使介子某執其常事。」通祭三代，而宗子卑，則以上牲祭宗子家，祝曰：「孝子某為其介子某薦其常事。」庶子官尊而立廟，其主祭則以支庶封官依大宗主祭，兄陪於位。以廟由弟立，己不得延神也。或兄弟分官，則各祭考妣於正寢。

If the lineage heir is absent, a lesser son conducts sacrifice—the invoker says: "Filial son X has lesser son Y perform the regular rites. When offering across three generations and the lineage heir ranks low, the superior victim goes to his house—the invoker says: "Filial son X offers through lesser son Y the regular rites." When a lesser son's office is lofty and he builds a temple, the chief sacrificer is the enfeoffed collateral following the great lineage, the elder brother at the seat. Because the younger brother built the temple, he cannot himself host the spirit. Or when brothers hold separate offices, each sacrifices to parents in the main chamber.

古殤及無後皆祔食於祖，無祝而不拜，設坐祖左而西向，亞獻者奠，祝乃奠之，一獻而止。其後廟制設幄，當中南向，祔坐無所施，皆祭室戶外之東而西向。親伯叔之無後者祔曾祖，親昆弟及從父昆弟祔於祖，親子姪祔於禰。寢祭之位西上，祖東向而昭穆南北，則伯叔之祔者居禰下之穆位北向，昆弟、從父昆弟居祖下之昭位南向，子姪居伯叔之下穆位北向，以序尊卑。凡殤、無後，以周親及大功為斷。

In antiquity the prematurely dead and heirless received collateral feasting at the ancestor; no invoker, no bowing; seat left of ancestor facing west; secondary presenter sets offering, invoker then sets offering—one presentation only. Later temples set a south-facing canopy at center; collateral seats had no place—all sacrificed east of the chamber door facing west. Heirless paternal uncles enshrine at great-grandfather; full and paternal cousins at grandfather; sons and nephews at father. Chamber seats rank west highest; ancestor east-facing, zhao and mu north and south—uncles below father north in mu, brothers below grandfather south in zhao, sons and nephews below uncles north in mu, by rank. Premature death and the heirless are limited to close kin and great-grief mourners.

古者廟於大門內，秦出寢於陵側，故王公亦建廟於墓。既廟與居異，則宮中有喪而祭。三年之喪，齊衰、大功皆廢祭；外喪，齊衰以下行之。

In antiquity temples stood inside the great gate; Qin moved the sleeping chamber beside the tomb—hence nobles also built temples at the tomb. Once temple and residence were separate, sacrifice could continue despite palace mourning. During three-year mourning, qi and da mourning both suspend sacrifice; for external mourning, qi mourning and below still permit sacrifice.

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