1
劉秉忠
Liu Bingzhong
2
劉秉忠,字仲晦,初名侃,因從釋氏,又名子聰,拜官後始更今名。 其先瑞州人也,世仕遼,為官族。 曾大父仕金,為邢州節度副使,因家焉,故自大父澤而下,遂為邢人。 庚辰歲,木華黎取邢州,立都元帥府,以其父潤為都統。 事定,改署州錄事,歷鉅鹿、內丘兩縣提領,所至皆有惠愛。 秉忠生而風骨秀異,志氣英爽不羈。 八歲入學,日誦數百言。 年十三,為質子於帥府。 十七,為邢台節度使府令史,以養其親。 居常鬱鬱不樂,一日,投筆歎曰:「吾家累世衣冠,乃汨沒為刀筆吏乎! 丈夫不遇於世,當隱居以求志耳。」 即棄去,隱武安山中。 久之,天寧虛照禪師遣徒招致為僧,以其能文詞,使掌書記。 後遊雲中,留居南堂寺。 世祖在潛邸,海雲禪師被召,過雲中,聞其博學多材藝,邀與俱行。 既入見,應對稱旨,屢承顧問。 秉忠於書無所不讀,尤邃於《易》及邵氏《經世書》,至於天文、地理、律曆、三式六壬遁甲之屬,無不精通。 論天下事如指諸掌。 世祖大愛之,海雲南還,秉忠遂留籓邸。 後數歲,奔父喪,賜金百兩為葬具,仍遣使送至邢州。 服除,復被召,奉旨還和林。 上書數千百言,其略曰:
Liu Bingzhong, styled Zhonghui, was originally named Kan. Having entered the Buddhist clergy he was also known as Zicong, and took his present name only after he received office. His forebears were from Ruizhou; for generations they served the Liao dynasty and formed a family of officials. His great-grandfather served the Jin as deputy military commissioner of Xingzhou and established the family there, so from his grandfather Ze onward they were counted as men of Xing. In the gengchen year Muqali captured Xingzhou, set up a supreme command headquarters, and appointed his father Run as its commander-in-chief. Once order was restored he was reassigned as prefectural recorder, then served in turn as chief administrator of Julu and Neiqiu counties; everywhere he went he won the people's affection. Bingzhong was born with striking presence and a bold, unfettered spirit. At eight he began his studies and could recite several hundred characters each day. At thirteen he was sent as a hostage to the command headquarters. At seventeen he became a clerk in the Xingtai military commissioner's office in order to support his parents. He was often gloomy and discontented. One day he cast aside his brush and sighed: "For generations my family has been gentry—must I sink to life as a petty clerk with knife and brush? When a man finds no place in the world, he should withdraw and pursue his purpose in seclusion." At once he resigned and went into seclusion in the Wuan mountains. After a time Chan Master Xuzhao of Tianning sent disciples to fetch him and have him ordained; because he excelled at literary composition he was put in charge of correspondence. Later he traveled to Yunzhong and took up residence at Nantang Temple. While the future Shizu was still at his princely residence, Chan Master Haiyun was summoned to court; passing through Yunzhong he heard that Bingzhong was broadly learned and skilled in many arts, and invited him to travel together. After he was presented, his replies pleased the prince and he was consulted again and again. Bingzhong read books of every kind; he was especially deep in the Book of Changes and Shao Yong's Treatise on the Ages of the World, and in astronomy, geography, calendrics, the Three Styles, Six Ren, dunjia, and the like there was nothing he did not master. When he spoke of affairs under Heaven it was as if he were laying them out on his palm. The future Shizu came to love him dearly; when Haiyun returned south, Bingzhong stayed on at the princely residence. Several years later he hurried home for his father's funeral; he was granted a hundred taels of gold for burial expenses and an envoy was sent to accompany him to Xingzhou. When his mourning was over he was summoned again and, by imperial order, returned to Karakorum. He submitted a memorial of several thousand words; its gist was as follows:
3
典章、禮樂、法度、三綱五常之教,備於堯、舜,三王因之,五霸敗之。 漢興以來,至於五代,一千三百餘年,由此道者,漢文、景、光武,唐太宗、玄宗五君,而玄宗不無疵也。 然治亂之道,系乎天而由乎人。 天生成吉思皇帝,起一旅,降諸國,不數年而取天下。 勤勞憂苦,遺大寶於子孫,庶傳萬祀,永保無疆之福。
Institutions, ritual and music, laws, and the teaching of the Three Bonds and Five Constants were fully realized under Yao and Shun; the Three Kings carried them on, and the Five Hegemons debased them. From the founding of Han down to the Five Dynasties, across more than thirteen hundred years, only five rulers truly followed this Way: Wen and Jing of Han, Guangwu, Taizong of Tang, and Xuanzong—and even Xuanzong was not without blemish. Yet whether the age is well governed or in turmoil rests with Heaven and is brought to pass through human effort. Heaven produced Genghis Khan: he raised a single host, brought the states to submission, and within a few years seized the realm. Through labor and care he left this great inheritance to his descendants, hoping it might endure for ten thousand generations and forever secure boundless blessing.
4
愚聞之曰:「以馬上取天下,不可以馬上治。」 昔武王,兄也; 周公,弟也。 周公思天下善事,夜以繼日,每得一事,坐以待旦,以匡周室,以保周天下八百餘年,周公之力也。 君上,兄也; 大王,弟也。 思周公之故事而行之,在乎今日。 千載一時,不可失也。
I have heard it said: "An empire won on horseback cannot be governed on horseback." In antiquity King Wu was the elder brother; the Duke of Zhou was the younger. The Duke of Zhou pondered good for the realm day and night; whenever he grasped one matter he would sit awaiting dawn to act on it, thereby upholding the house of Zhou and preserving the Zhou realm for more than eight hundred years—such was the Duke of Zhou's power. Your Highness is the elder brother; the Great King is the younger. To reflect on the Duke of Zhou's example and act upon it is a matter for this very day. An opportunity that comes once in a thousand years must not be missed.
5
君之所任,在內莫大乎相,相以領百官,化萬民; 在外莫大乎將,將以統三軍,安四域。 內外相濟,國之急務,必先之也。 然天下之大,非一人之可及; 萬事之細,非一心之可察。 當擇開國功臣之子孫,分為京府州郡監守,督責舊官,以遵王法; 仍差按察官守,治者升,否者黜。 天下不勞力而定也。
Among what Your Highness must appoint within the realm, nothing is greater than a chief minister, who leads the hundred officials and transforms the myriad people; outside, nothing is greater than a general, who commands the Three Armies and secures the four quarters. For inner and outer offices to support one another is the state's urgent business and must come first. Yet the realm is vast and lies beyond what one man can encompass; myriad affairs are minute and lie beyond what one mind can examine. Descendants of the dynasty's founding ministers should be chosen and posted as supervisors in the capital, prefectures, and commanderies to oversee the old officials and enforce the royal laws; surveillance commissioners should also be sent out to promote the able and dismiss the incompetent. Then the realm may be settled without exhausting the people.
6
天下戶過百萬,自忽都那演斷事之後,差徭甚大,加以軍馬調發,使臣煩擾,官吏乞取,民不能當,是以逃竄。 宜比舊減半,或三分去一,就見在之民以定差稅,招逃者復業,再行定奪。 官無定次,清潔者無以遷,污濫者無以降。 可比附古例,定百官爵祿儀仗,使家足身貴。 有犯於民,設條定罪。 威福者君之權,奉命者臣之職。 今百官自行威福,進退生殺惟意之從,宜從禁治。
Households in the realm number more than a million; since the judicial office at Khodoein-Oron, corvée and levies have grown very heavy, and to these are added military requisitions, the harassment of envoys, and officials' exactions—the people cannot endure it and therefore flee. Levies should be cut by half compared with former rates, or reduced by a third; taxes should be fixed on those presently registered, fugitives recalled to their fields, and then a definitive assessment made. Officials have no fixed ranks: the upright have no path to promotion, and the corrupt no path to demotion. Ancient precedents may be followed to fix the ranks, salaries, and regalia of the hundred officials, so that their households are secure and their persons honored. Those who wrong the people should have statutes drawn up and penalties defined. Majesty and favor belong to the ruler's prerogative; to receive and execute orders is the minister's duty. Today officials wield majesty and favor on their own; promotion, dismissal, life, and death follow their whim—this should be forbidden and corrected.
7
天下之民未聞教化,見在囚人宜從赦免,明施教令,使之知畏,則犯者自少也。 教令既設,則不宜繁,因大朝舊例,增益民間所宜設者十數條足矣。 教令既施,罪不至死者皆提察然後決,犯死刑者覆奏然後聽斷,不致刑及無辜。
The people have not yet received moral instruction; those now in prison should be pardoned and clear edicts issued to teach them reverence, and offenders will then grow few of themselves. Once instructional edicts are set they should not be numerous; adding a dozen or so articles suited to the people to the great court's old precedents is sufficient. Once such edicts are in force, cases not warranting death should all be reviewed by the surveillance office before judgment; capital cases should be reported and re-examined before execution, so that the innocent are not punished.
8
天子以天下為家,兆民為子,國不足,取於民,民不足,取於國,相須如魚水。 有國家者,置府庫,設倉廩,亦為助民; 民有身者,營產業,辟田野,亦為資國用也。 今宜打算官民所欠債負,若實為應當差發所借,宜依合罕皇帝聖旨,一本一利,官司歸還。 凡陪償無名,虛契所負,及還過元本者,並行赦免。
The Son of Heaven takes the realm as his home and the multitude as his children; when the state is short it draws on the people, and when the people are short they draw on the state—they depend on each other as fish on water. Those who hold a state establish treasuries and granaries also to aid the people; those who have bodies cultivate estates and open fields also to supply the state. Debts owed by officials and people should now be reckoned; where loans were truly taken for obligatory levies, in accordance with the late emperor's edict principal and interest should be repaid by the government. All debts without proper title, false contracts, and sums already repaid beyond the original principal should alike be remitted.
9
納糧就遠倉,有一廢十者,宜從近倉以輸為便。 當驛路州城,飲食祗待偏重,宜計所費以準差發。 關市津梁正稅十五分取一,宜從舊制。 禁橫取,減稅法,以利百姓。 倉庫加耗甚重,宜令權量度均為一法,使錙銖圭撮尺寸皆平,以存信去詐。 珍貝金銀之所出,淘沙煉石,實不易為,一旦以纏絲縷,飾皮革,塗木石,妝器仗,取一時之華麗,廢為塵而無濟,甚可惜也,宜從禁治。 除帝冑功臣大官以下章服有制外,無職之人不得僭越。 今地廣民微,賦斂繁重,民不聊生,何力耕耨以厚產業? 宜差勸農官一員,率天下百姓務農桑,營產業,實國之大益。
When grain tax is delivered to distant granaries and one in ten is wasted, payment to nearer granaries should be allowed for convenience. On courier routes, prefectural cities bear heavy costs for food and lodging; expenses should be calculated and requisitions set accordingly. Regular tolls at passes and bridges should be one part in fifteen, following the old system. Arbitrary exactions should be forbidden and tax burdens lightened to benefit the people. Granary surcharges are very heavy; standardized weights and measures should be ordained as a single law so that every smallest unit is true, thereby preserving trust and rooting out fraud. Pearls, shells, gold, and silver are won only by washing sand and smelting ore and are not easily come by; yet in a moment they are wrapped in silk thread, used to adorn leather, smeared on wood and stone, and lavished on weapons and gear—spent for a moment's splendor and reduced to dust without profit. This is deeply wasteful and should be forbidden. Apart from regulated dress for imperial kin, great ministers, and high officials, those without office must not imitate them. The land is broad and the people few; levies are heavy and the people have no respite—how can they plough and sow to build up their estates? An official to encourage agriculture should be appointed to lead the people in sericulture and husbandry—this would be a great benefit to the state.
10
古者庠序學校未嘗廢,今郡縣雖有學,並非官置。 宜從舊制,修建三學,設教授,開選擇才,以經義為上,詞賦論策次之。 兼科舉之設,已奉合罕皇帝聖旨,因而言之,易行也。 開設學校,宜擇開國功臣子孫受教,選達才任用之。
In antiquity school and academy education was never abandoned; today although commanderies and counties have schools, they are not state-founded. The old system should be restored: build the three schools, appoint professors, and open selection of talent, giving first place to the classics, with rhapsodies, discourses, and policy essays next. The civil service examinations have already been ordered by the late emperor's edict; to speak of them again is to urge what is already easy to enact. In founding schools, descendants of founding ministers should be chosen to receive instruction, and outstanding talent selected for office.
11
天下莫大於朝省,親民莫近於縣宰。 雖朝省有法,縣宰宜擇,縣宰正,民自安矣。 關西、河南地廣土沃,以軍馬之所出入,治而未豐。 宜設官招撫,不數年民歸土辟,以資軍馬之用,實國之大事。 移刺中丞拘榷鹽鐵諸產、商賈酒醋貨殖諸事,以定宣課,雖使從實恢辦,不足亦取於民,拖兌不辦,已不為輕。 奧魯合蠻奏請於舊額加倍榷之,往往科取民間。 科榷並行,民無所措手足。 宜從舊例辦榷,更或減輕,罷繁碎,止科徵,無從獻利之徒削民害國。 鰥寡孤獨廢疾者,宜設孤老院,給衣糧以為養。 使臣到州郡,宜設館,不得於官衙民家安下。
Nothing under Heaven is greater than the court and ministries; nothing closer to the people than the district magistrate. Though the court has laws, the magistrate must be carefully chosen; when the magistrate is upright, the people will of themselves be at peace. Shaanxi and Henan are broad and fertile, yet because armies and horses pass constantly through them, though governed they are not yet thriving. Officials should be appointed to encourage settlement; within a few years the people will return and the land be opened—this will supply the armies and horses and is truly a great matter for the state. Vice Censor-in-Chief Yisala monopolized salt, iron, and other products and imposed commercial levies on wine, vinegar, and trade to fix official revenue; even when required to collect in accord with actual yields, shortfalls were again taken from the people, and failure to meet quotas was already no small hardship. The Orokholman memorialized to double the monopoly over the old quota and often levied collections on the people. With monopoly levies running together, the people had nowhere to turn. The old monopoly quotas should be followed, or further reduced; cumbersome items abolished and only regular levies imposed—so that none who seek profit by harming the people may injure the state. For widowers, widows, orphans, the solitary, and the disabled, poorhouses for the aged should be established and clothing and grain provided for their upkeep. When envoys reach prefectures and commanderies, guest lodges should be provided; they must not be lodged in government offices or private homes.
12
孔子為百王師,立萬世法,今廟堂雖廢,存者尚多,宜令州郡祭祀,釋奠如舊儀。 近代禮樂器具靡散,宜令刷會,徵太常舊人教引後學,使器備人存,漸以修之,實太平之基,王道之本。 今天下廣遠,雖成吉思皇帝威福之致,亦天地神明陰所祐也。 宜訪名儒,循舊禮,尊祭上下神祇,和天地之氣,順時序之行,使神享民依,德極於幽明,天下賴一人之慶。
Confucius was teacher to a hundred kings and established law for ten thousand generations; though many temple halls are now ruined, those that remain should be ordered in prefectures and commanderies to offer sacrifice according to the old rites. In recent times ritual instruments and musical implements have been scattered and lost; an inventory should be ordered and retired officials of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices sought to instruct later students, so that implements are complete and masters remain and may gradually be restored—this is truly the foundation of great peace and the root of the kingly Way. Today the realm is vast; though this came through Genghis Khan's majesty, it is also what Heaven and the spirits in the hidden realm bless. Renowned Confucians should be sought, old rites followed, and sacrifices to spirits above and below honored, harmonizing the qi of Heaven and Earth and following the seasons, so that spirits receive offerings and the people rely on them, virtue reaching to the hidden and manifest realms, and the realm secured by one man's blessings.
13
見行遼歷,日月交食頗差,聞司天台改成新歷,未見施行。 宜因新君即位,頒歷改元。 令京府州郡置更漏,使民知時。 國滅史存,古之常道,宜撰修《金史》,令一代君臣事業不墜於後世,甚有勵也。
The Liao calendar now in use is considerably in error for solar and lunar eclipses; it is said the Astrological Bureau has compiled a new calendar that has not yet been promulgated. On the new ruler's accession the calendar should be issued and the era name changed. The capital, prefectures, and commanderies should set water clocks so the people may know the hour. When a state perishes its history is preserved—this is antiquity's constant rule; the History of Jin should be compiled so that one generation's ministers and achievements are not lost to posterity—this would be greatly inspiriting.
14
國家廣大如天,萬中取一,以養天下名士宿儒之無營運產業者,使不致困窮。 或有營運產業者,會前聖旨種養應輸差稅,其餘大小雜泛並行蠲免,使自給養,實國家養才勵人之大也。 明君用人,如大匠用材,隨其鉅細長短,以施規矩繩墨。 孔子曰:「君子不可小知而可大受,小人不可大受而可小知。」 蓋君子所存者大,不能盡小人之事,或有一短; 小人所拘者狹,不能同君子之量,或有一長。 盡其才而用之,成功之道也。
The state is vast as Heaven; taking one man in ten thousand to support eminent scholars and established Confucians who possess no estates to manage, so they do not fall into want— or where they do manage estates, in accordance with prior imperial edicts they should pay planting and raising taxes as due, while all other great and small miscellaneous levies should be remitted so they may support themselves—this is truly the state's great work of nourishing talent and encouraging men. An enlightened ruler employs men as a master craftsman employs timber, fitting each piece's thickness, length, and shortness to compass, square, cord, and ink line. Confucius said: "The noble man cannot be judged by petty tasks yet can bear great responsibility; the petty man cannot bear great responsibility yet can be judged by petty tasks." The noble man keeps what is great in view and cannot exhaust petty matters—or he may have one fault; the petty man is confined in what is narrow and cannot match the noble man's breadth—or he may have one strength. To employ each according to his talent—this is the way to success.
15
君子不以言廢人,不以人廢言。 大開言路,所以成天下、安兆民也。 天地之大,日月之明,而或有所蔽。 且蔽天之明者,雲霧也; 蔽人之明者,私慾佞說也。 常人有之,蔽一心也; 人君有之,蔽天下也。 常選左右諫臣,使諷諭於未形,忖畫於至密也。 君子之心,一於理義,懷於忠良; 小人之心,一於利欲,懷於讒佞。 君子得位,有容於小人; 小人得勢,必排於君子。 明君在上,不可不辨也。 孔子曰「遠佞人」,又曰「惡利口之覆邦家者」,此之謂也。
The noble man does not reject a man because of his words, nor reject words because of the man. To open wide the road of counsel—this is how to perfect the realm and secure the multitude. Heaven and Earth are vast, sun and moon are bright—yet even they may sometimes be obscured. What obscures Heaven's brightness is cloud and mist; what obscures a person's clarity is private desire and slanderous counsel. When ordinary men have these, they obscure a single mind; when a ruler has them, he obscures the whole realm. Remonstrating ministers at the ruler's side should be regularly chosen to counsel before faults take shape and to deliberate in the utmost secrecy. The mind of the noble man rests wholly on principle and righteousness and is filled with loyalty and integrity; the mind of the petty man rests wholly on profit and desire and is filled with slander and flattery. When the noble man gains position he can tolerate the petty man; when the petty man gains power he is sure to drive out the noble man. When an enlightened ruler sits above, this distinction cannot be neglected. Confucius said "Keep flatterers at a distance" and also "I hate glib tongues that overturn states and families"—this is what is meant.
16
今言利者眾,非圖以利國害民,實欲殘民而自利也。 宜將國中人民必用場冶,付各路課稅所,以定榷辦,其餘言利者並行罷去。 古者明王不寶遠物,所寶惟賢,如使賢者在位,能者在職,此皆一人之睿知,賢王之輔成也。 古者治世均民產業,自廢井田為阡陌,後世因之不能復。 今窮乏者益損,富盛者增加。 宜禁行利之人勿恃官勢,居官在位者勿侵民利,商賈與民和好交易,不生擅奪欺罔之害,真國家之利也。
Today those who speak of profit are many; they do not truly seek the state's good at the people's expense but wish to injure the people for their own gain. Essential workshops and smelters among the people should be assigned to each circuit's tax office to fix monopoly quotas; all other profit-seekers should be dismissed. Of old enlightened kings did not treasure exotic goods; what they treasured was talent—when the worthy hold office and the capable serve in posts, this rests on one man's keen wisdom and the worthy king's supporting hand. In antiquity well-governed ages equalized the people's estates; since the well-field system was replaced by crisscross paths, later ages could not restore it. Today the destitute grow poorer while the rich grow richer. Profit-seekers should be forbidden to rely on official power; officeholders should not encroach on the people's livelihood; merchants and people should trade in good faith without arbitrary seizure or fraud—this is truly the state's gain.
17
笞箠之制,宜會古酌今,均為一法,使無敢過越。 禁私置牢獄,淫民無辜。 鞭背之刑宜禁治,以彰愛生之德。 立朝省以統百官,分有司以御眾事,以至京府州郡親民之職無不備,紀綱正於上,法度行於下,是故天下不勞而治也。 今新君即位之後,可立朝省,以為政本。 其餘百官,不在員多,惟在得人焉耳。
Regulations for beating with rod and whip should reconcile ancient and modern practice into a single law so that none dare overstep. Private prisons should be forbidden so the innocent are not harmed. Back-whipping should be forbidden to manifest the virtue of cherishing life. Establish the court and ministries to govern the hundred officials, divide bureaus to manage myriad affairs, down to the capital, prefectural, and commandery offices that serve the people—let none be lacking; when discipline is correct above and laws enforced below, the realm is governed without exhausting the people. After the new ruler's accession, the court and ministries should be established as the foundation of government. As for the rest of the hundred officials, what matters is not their number but obtaining the right men.
18
世祖嘉納焉。 又言:「邢州舊萬餘戶,兵興以來不滿數百,凋壞日甚,得良牧守如真定張耕、洺水劉肅者治之,猶可完复。」 朝廷即以耕為邢州安撫使,肅為副使。 由是流民復業,升邢為順德府。
The future Shizu praised and accepted this. He also said: "Xingzhou once had more than ten thousand households; since warfare began it has fallen to fewer than several hundred, and ruin grows worse daily. With good governors like Zhang Geng of Zhending and Liu Su of Luoshui it might still be restored." The court thereupon appointed Geng pacification commissioner of Xingzhou and Su as vice commissioner. Thereupon displaced people returned to their fields and Xing was promoted to Shunde Prefecture.
19
癸丑,從世祖徵大理。 明年,徵雲南。 每贊以天地之好生,王者之神武不殺,故克城之日,不妄戮一人。 己未,從伐宋,復以雲南所言力贊於上,所至全活不可勝計。
In guichou he followed the future Shizu on the campaign against Dali. The following year he campaigned in Yunnan. Each time he urged the ruler with Heaven and Earth's love of life and the kingly way of martial prowess without slaughter; therefore on the day a city was taken not one person was killed without cause. In jiwei he followed the attack on Song; again he strongly urged at court what he had said regarding Yunnan, and wherever he went the lives spared were beyond counting.
20
中統元年,世祖即位,問以治天下之大經、養民之良法,秉忠採祖宗舊典,參以古制之宜於今者,條列以聞。 於是下詔建元紀歲,立中書省、宣撫司。 朝廷舊臣、山林遺逸之士,咸見錄用,文物粲然一新。
In the first year of Zhongtong, when the future Shizu took the throne, he asked about the great principles for governing the realm and good methods for nourishing the people; Bingzhong gathered ancestral statutes and, adding what was fitting from ancient systems for the present, listed them and reported. Thereupon an edict was issued to establish the era name and year count, and to establish the Secretariat and pacification offices. Old ministers of the court and scholars hidden in mountains and forests were all employed, and cultural institutions shone anew.
21
初,帝命秉忠相地於桓州東灤水北,建城郭於龍岡,三年而畢,名曰開平。 繼升為上都,而以燕為中都。 四年,又命秉忠築中都城,始建宗廟宮室。 八年,奏建國號曰大元,而以中都為大都。 他如頒章服,舉朝儀,給俸祿,定官制,皆自秉忠發之,為一代成憲。
Earlier the emperor had ordered Bingzhong to survey a site east of the Luan River at Huanzhou and build walls at Longgang; in three years it was completed and named Kaiping. It was later promoted to the Upper Capital, and Yan was made the Central Capital. In the fourth year he again ordered Bingzhong to build the Central Capital and first established the ancestral temple and palace halls. In the eighth year he memorialized to establish the state name as Great Yuan, and the Central Capital was made Dadu. Other matters such as promulgating robes and caps, establishing court ritual, granting salaries, and fixing the official system all originated with Bingzhong and became institutions for a generation.
22
十一年,扈從至上都,其地有南屏山,嘗築精舍居之。 秋八月,秉忠無疾端坐而卒,年五十九。 帝聞驚悼,謂群臣曰:「秉忠事朕三十餘年,小心慎密,不避艱險,言無隱情。 其陰陽術數之精,佔事知來,若合符契,惟朕知之,他人莫得聞也。」 出內府錢具棺斂,遣禮部侍郎趙秉溫護其喪還葬大都。 十二年,贈太傅,封趙國公,諡文貞。 成宗時,贈太師,諡文正。 仁宗時,又進封常山王。
In the eleventh year he accompanied the emperor to the Upper Capital; there was South Screen Mountain, where he had once built a hermitage and lived. In the eighth month of autumn Bingzhong died without illness, seated upright, at the age of fifty-nine. When the emperor heard, he was startled and grieved and said to his ministers: "Bingzhong served me for more than thirty years, careful and discreet, not shunning hardship, speaking without concealment. His mastery of yin-yang arts and numerology, divining affairs and knowing what is to come, was as though matching tally seals—only I know this; others could not hear of it." He issued money from the inner treasury for the coffin and burial and sent Vice Minister of Rites Zhao Bingwen to escort the funeral back for burial in Dadu. In the twelfth year he was posthumously granted Grand Tutor, enfeoffed as Duke of Zhao, with posthumous title Wenzhen. Under Chengzong he was further granted Grand Preceptor with posthumous title Wenzheng. Under Renzong he was further advanced to Prince of Changshan.
23
秉忠自幼好學,至老不衰,雖位極人臣,而齋居蔬食,終日淡然,不異平昔。 自號藏春散人。 每以吟詠自適,其詩蕭散閒淡,類其為人。 有文集十卷。 無子,以弟秉恕子蘭璋後。
Bingzhong loved learning from youth to old age without decline; though he reached the highest rank, he lived simply on vegetables, calm all day no different than before. He styled himself Hermit Who Hides Spring. He often took pleasure in composing poetry; his poems were spare and tranquil, like the man himself. He had collected works in ten juan. Having no son, he took his younger brother Bingshu's son Lanzhang as heir.
24
秉恕字長卿。 好讀書,年弱冠,受《易》於劉肅,遂明理學。 兄秉忠,事世祖,以薦士自任,嫌於私親,獨不及秉恕。 左右以聞,召見,遂同侍潛邸。 世祖嘗賜秉忠白金千兩,辭曰:「臣山野鄙人,僥倖遭際,服器悉出尚方,金無所用。」 世祖曰:「卿獨無親故遺之邪?」 辭不允,乃受而散之。 以二百兩與秉恕,秉恕曰:「兄勤勞有年,宜蒙茲賞,秉恕無功,可冒恩乎?」 終不受。 中統元年,擢禮部侍郎、邢州安撫副使。 二年,賜金符,遷吏部侍郎。 三年,升邢為順德府,賜金虎符,為順德安撫使。 至元元年,轉官法行,改嘉議大夫,歷彰德、懷孟、淄萊、順天、太原五路總管。 淄萊府有死囚六人,獄已具。 秉恕疑之,詳讞得其實,六人賴以不死。 他所至,皆有惠政。 召除禮部尚書。 出為淮西宣慰使,會省宣慰司,歷湖州、平陽兩路總管。 平陽歲荒,民艱食,輒開倉以賑之,全活者眾。 年六十,卒於官。
Bingshu, styled Zhangqing. He loved reading; in his early twenties he studied the Book of Changes under Liu Su and thereby mastered Neo-Confucian learning. His elder brother Bingzhong, serving the future Shizu, took recommending scholars as his duty and, scrupulous about favoring kin, alone did not recommend Bingshu. Those at the ruler's side reported this; he was summoned and then likewise attended the princely residence. The future Shizu once granted Bingzhong a thousand taels of white gold; he declined, saying: "I am a rustic of mountain and wild who met fortune by chance; my garments and vessels all come from the imperial workshops—gold is of no use to me." The future Shizu said: "Have you no kin and friends to leave it to?" Unable to decline further, he accepted it and distributed it. He gave two hundred taels to Bingshu; Bingshu said: "My elder brother has toiled for years and should receive this reward; I have no merit—how can I presume on favor?" In the end he did not accept. In the first year of Zhongtong he was promoted to Vice Minister of Rites and vice pacification commissioner of Xingzhou. In the second year he was granted a gold tally and transferred to Vice Minister of Personnel. In the third year Xing was promoted to Shunde Prefecture; he was granted a gold tiger tally and made pacification commissioner of Shunde. In the first year of Zhiyuan, when the official system was reformed, he was changed to Grand Master for Glorious Discussion and served in succession as chief administrator of Zhangde, Huaimeng, Zilai, Shuntian, and Taiyuan circuits. In Zilai Prefecture there were six condemned prisoners and the case was already concluded. Bingshu doubted the case; through detailed review he obtained the truth and the six men were spared death. Wherever he went he showed benevolent government. He was summoned and appointed Minister of Rites. He went out as pacification commissioner of Huaixi; when the Huaixi pacification office was merged with the province, he served in succession as chief administrator of Huzhou and Pingyang circuits. When Pingyang suffered famine and the people had hard fare, he promptly opened granaries to relieve them and many were preserved alive. At sixty he died in office.
25
○張文謙
○ Zhang Wenqian
26
張文謙,字仲謙,邢州沙河人。 幼聰敏,善記誦,與太保劉秉忠同學。 世祖居潛邸,受邢州分地,秉忠薦文謙可用。 歲丁未,召見,應對稱旨,命掌王府書記,日見信任。 邢州當要衝,初分二千戶為勳臣食邑,歲遣人監領,皆不知撫治,徵求百出,民弗堪命,或訴於王府。 文謙與秉忠言於世祖曰:「今民生困弊,莫邢為甚。 盍擇人往治之,責其成效,使四方取法,則天下均受賜矣。」 於是乃選近侍脫兀脫、尚書劉肅、侍郎李簡往。 三人至邢,協心為治,洗滌蠹敝,革去貪暴,流亡復歸,不期月,戶增十倍。 由是世祖益重儒士,任之以政,皆自文謙發之。
Zhang Wenqian, styled Zhongqian, was a man of Shahe in Xingzhou. From childhood he was clever and quick to memorize; he studied together with Grand Preceptor Liu Bingzhong. When the future Shizu was at his princely residence and received the Xingzhou allotment, Bingzhong recommended Wenqian as capable. In the dingwei year he was summoned and presented; his replies pleased the prince and he was ordered to manage the princely residence correspondence, gaining daily trust. Xingzhou lay on a vital route; when the allotment was first made, two thousand households were set as fiefs for meritorious ministers; each year men were sent to supervise who knew nothing of comfort and governance—exactions issued on every side and the people could not bear it, some appealing to the princely residence. Wenqian spoke with Bingzhong to the future Shizu, saying: "The people's livelihood is exhausted and nowhere is it worse than Xing. Why not choose men to go govern it, hold them accountable for results, and let the four quarters take it as a model—then the whole realm would equally receive blessing." Thereupon those near at hand Tuotuotuo, Minister Liu Su, and Vice Minister Li Jian were chosen and sent. The three reached Xing and worked together in governance, washing away corruption and removing greedy violence; displaced people returned, and within a month households increased tenfold. Thereby the future Shizu came to value Confucian scholars and employ them in government—all this began with Wenqian.
27
中統元年,世祖即位,立中書省,首命王文統為平章政事,文謙為左丞。 建立綱紀,講明利病,以安國便民為務。 詔令一出,天下有太平之望。 而文統素忌克,謨謀之際,屢相可否,積不能平,文謙遽求出,詔以本官行大名等路宣撫司事。 臨發,語文統曰:「民困日久,況當大旱,不量減稅賦,何以慰來甦之望?」 文統曰:「上新即位,國家經費止仰稅賦,苟复減損,何以供給?」 文謙曰:「百姓足,君孰與不足! 俟時和歲豐,取之未晚也。」 於是蠲常賦什之四,商酒稅什之二。 二年春,來朝,复留居政府。 始立左右部,講行庶務,鉅細畢舉,文謙之力為多。 三年,阿合馬領左右部,總司財用,欲專奏請,不關白中書,詔廷臣議之,文謙曰:「分制財用,古有是理,中書不預,無是理也。 若中書弗問,天子將親蒞之乎?」 帝曰:「仲謙言是也。」
In the first year of Zhongtong, when the future Shizu took the throne, the Secretariat was established; Wang Wentong was first appointed equal-rank administrator and Wenqian left vice administrator. They established discipline and explained what was harmful and beneficial, taking securing the state and benefiting the people as their task. When edicts and orders issued forth, the realm had hope of great peace. Yet Wentong was by nature jealous and obstructive; in deliberations they often opposed each other and resentment accumulated; Wenqian hastily sought to leave and an edict sent him in his present office to conduct affairs of the Daming and other circuits pacification office. On departing he said to Wentong: "The people's distress has been long; moreover there is great drought—if we do not consider reducing taxes and levies, how can we comfort the hope of revival?" Wentong said: "The new ruler has just taken the throne; state expenses rely solely on taxes and levies—if we again reduce them, how can we meet needs?" Wenqian said: "When the people are sufficient, is the ruler not also sufficient? Wait until times are harmonious and harvests abundant—collecting then is not yet late." Thereupon regular levies were remitted by four-tenths and commercial wine taxes by two-tenths. In the second spring he came to court and again remained in the central government. The left and right departments were first established and myriad affairs were carried out in detail—largely through Wenqian's effort. In the third year Ahmad took charge of the left and right departments and overall managed finances, wishing to memorialize solely without reporting to the Secretariat; an edict ordered court ministers to deliberate and Wenqian said: "Dividing management of finances has ancient precedent; for the Secretariat not to participate—there is no such precedent. If the Secretariat does not inquire, will the Son of Heaven personally attend to it?" The emperor said: "Zhongqian's words are correct."
28
至元元年,詔文謙以中書左丞行省西夏中興等路。 羌俗素鄙野,事無統紀,文謙得蜀士陷於俘虜者五六人,理而出之,使習吏事,旬月間簿書有品式,子弟亦知讀書,俗為一變。 浚唐來、漢延二渠,溉田十數万頃,人蒙其利。 三年,還朝。 諸勢家言有戶數千,當役屬為私奴者,議久不決。 文謙謂以乙未歲戶帳為斷,奴之未佔籍者,歸之勢家可也,其餘良民無為奴之理。 議遂定,守以為法。 五年,淄州妖人胡王惑眾,事覺,逮捕百餘人。 丞相安童以文謙言奏曰:「愚民無知,為所誑誘,誅其首惡足矣。」 詔即命文謙往決其獄,惟三人坐棄市,餘皆釋之。
In the first year of Zhiyuan an edict ordered Wenqian as left vice administrator of the Secretariat to conduct provincial affairs in Western Xia Zhongxing and other circuits. Qiang custom was by nature crude and affairs had no unified discipline; Wenqian obtained five or six Shu scholars who had fallen captive, sorted out their cases and released them, and had them study clerkly affairs; within a month documents had proper form, sons and younger brothers also knew how to read, and custom was transformed. He dredged the Tanglai and Hanyan canals and irrigated several hundred thousand qing of fields; the people received the benefit. In the third year he returned to court. Powerful families claimed thousands of households that should serve as their private slaves, and the debate dragged on without resolution. Wenqian argued that the household registers of the yiwei year should be the cutoff: unregistered slaves might be returned to the powerful families, but there was no grounds for turning ordinary citizens into slaves. The decision was settled and upheld as law. In the fifth year a Zizhou sorcerer named Hu Wang misled the people; when the plot was exposed, more than a hundred were arrested. Chief Councillor Antong, citing Wenqian, memorialized: "The common people are ignorant and were led astray; it is enough to punish the ringleaders." The emperor at once ordered Wenqian to adjudicate the case; only three were executed in the marketplace, and all the rest were released.
29
七年,拜大司農卿,奏立諸道勸農司,巡行勸課,請開籍田,行祭先農先蠶等禮。 復與竇默請立國子學。 詔以許衡為國子祭酒,選貴冑子弟教育之。 時阿合馬議拘民間鐵,官鑄農器,高其價以配民,創立行戶部於東平、大名以造鈔,及諸路轉運司,干政害民,文謙悉於帝前極論罷之。 十三年,遷御史中丞。 阿合馬慮憲台發其奸,乃奏罷諸道按察司以撼之,文謙奏復其舊。 然自知為奸臣所忌,力求去。 會世祖以《大明曆》歲久浸差,命許衡等造新歷,乃授文謙昭文館大學士,領太史院,以總其事。 十九年,拜樞密副使。 歲餘,以疾薨於位,年六十八。
In the seventh year he was appointed Director of the Grand Secretariat of Agriculture. He memorialized to establish circuit-level offices to encourage farming, to tour the realm urging cultivation, and to open ceremonial fields and perform rites to the First Farmer and First Silkworm. He again joined Dou Mo in requesting the establishment of the Directorate of Education. An edict appointed Xu Heng Chancellor of the Directorate and selected sons of noble families for their education. At the time Ahmad proposed confiscating private iron, casting farm tools at state forges, and selling them at inflated prices to the people; he also proposed establishing travelling household bureaus at Dongping and Daming to print paper money, along with circuit transport commissions—all of which meddled in government and harmed the people. Wenqian argued against each measure before the throne until they were abolished. In the thirteenth year he was promoted to Vice Director of the Censorate. Ahmad, fearing the Censorate would uncover his crimes, memorialized to abolish the circuit inspection commissions in order to undermine Wenqian; Wenqian memorialized to have them restored. But knowing himself to be hated by corrupt officials, he pressed hard to leave office. Just then, because the Great Illuminations Calendar had drifted out of accuracy over the years, the future Shizu ordered Xu Heng and others to compile a new calendar. Wenqian was appointed Grand Academician of the Hall for the Glorification of Literature and placed in charge of the Astronomical Bureau to direct the project. In the nineteenth year he was appointed Vice Director of the Bureau of Military Affairs. A little over a year later he died of illness in office, at the age of sixty-eight.
30
文謙蚤從劉秉忠,洞究術數; 晚交許衡,尤粹於義理之學。 為人剛明簡重,凡所陳於上前,莫非堯、舜仁義之道。 數忤權幸,而是非得喪,一不以經意。 家惟藏書數万卷。 尤以引薦人材為己任,時論益以是多之。 累贈推誠同德佐運功臣、太師、開府儀同三司、上柱國,追封魏國公,諡忠宣。
Wenqian had studied early under Liu Bingzhong and mastered the arts of calculation and divination; in later years he came to know Xu Heng and grew especially accomplished in the study of moral principle. In character he was upright, lucid, restrained, and grave; everything he presented before the throne was the path of humaneness and righteousness taught by Yao and Shun. He often crossed those in power and favor, yet he never gave a thought to gain or loss, right or wrong. His household held nothing but books, numbering in the tens of thousands. He made recommending talent a personal duty, and contemporary opinion increasingly praised him for it. He was posthumously ennobled cumulatively as Faithful-in-Sincerity, Equal-in-Virtue, Aid-to-the-Dynasty Meritorious Subject, Grand Preceptor, Grand Master of the State with the Three Honors of Opening an Office, and Upper Pillar of the State; posthumously enfeoffed as Duke of Wei with the posthumous title Loyal and Expansive.
31
長子晏,仕至御史中丞,贈陝西行省平章政事,封魏國公,諡文靖。
His eldest son Yan rose to Vice Director of the Censorate; he was posthumously ennobled Equal-Rank Administrator of the Shaanxi Branch Secretariat, enfeoffed as Duke of Wei, and given the posthumous title Cultured and Tranquil.
32
○郝經
○ Hao Jing
33
郝經,字伯常,其先潞州人,徙澤州之陵川,家世業儒。 祖天挺,元裕嘗從之學。 金末,父思溫辟地河南之魯山。 河南亂,居民匿窖中,亂兵以火熏灼之,民多死,經母許亦死。 經以蜜和寒菹汁,決母齒飲之,即蘇。 時經九歲,人皆異之。 金亡,徙順天。 家貧,晝則負薪米為養,暮則讀書。 居五年,為守帥張柔、賈輔所知,延為上客。 二家藏書皆萬卷,經博覽無不通。 往來燕、趙間,元裕每語之曰:「子貌類汝祖,才器非常,勉之。」 憲宗二年,世祖以皇弟開邸金蓮川,召經,諮以經國安民之道,條上數十事,大悅,遂留王府。 是時,連兵於宋,憲宗入蜀,命世祖總統東師,經從至濮。 會有得宋國奏議以獻,其言謹邊防,守衝要,凡七道,遂下諸將議。 經曰:「古之一天下者,以德不以力。 彼今未有敗亡之釁,我乃空國而出,諸侯窺伺於內,小民凋弊於外。 經見其危,未見其利也。 王不如修德布惠,敦族簡賢,綏懷遠人,控制諸道,結盟飭備,以待西師。 上應天心,下係人望,順時而動,宋不足圖也。」 世祖以經儒生,愕然曰:「汝與張拔都議邪?」 經對曰:「經少館張柔家,嘗聞其論議。 此則經臆說耳,柔不知也。」 進七道議七千餘言。 乃以楊惟中為江淮荊湖南北等路宣撫使,經為副,將歸德軍,先至江上,宣布恩信,納降附。 惟中欲私還汴,經曰:「我與公同受命南征,不聞受命還汴也。」 惟中怒,弗聽。 經率麾下揚旌而南,惟中懼謝,乃與經俱行。
Hao Jing, styled Bochang, came from a family originally of Luzhou that had moved to Lingchuan in Zezhou; for generations they devoted themselves to Confucian learning. His grandfather Tian Ting was once studied under by Yuan Yu. At the end of the Jin dynasty his father Siwen settled in Lushan in Henan. When Henan fell into chaos, the people hid in underground cellars; marauding troops smoked them out with fire, and many died, including Jing's mother, Lady Xu. Jing mixed honey with pickled vegetable brine, forced open his mother's clenched teeth, and made her drink it; she immediately revived. Jing was then nine years old, and everyone regarded it as miraculous. After the fall of the Jin they moved to Shuntian. The family was poor: by day he carried firewood and grain to support them, and in the evening he studied. After five years he came to the attention of the local commanders Zhang Rou and Jia Fu, who took him in as an honored guest. Each household possessed a library of ten thousand scrolls, and Jing read widely until nothing was beyond his reach. As he traveled between Yan and Zhao, Yuan Yu often told him, "You look like your grandfather, and your talent is extraordinary. Apply yourself." In the second year of Möngke, the future Shizu, then serving as the emperor's younger brother, established his residence at Jindianchuan and summoned Jing to consult him on the governance of the state and the welfare of the people. Jing submitted several dozen proposals in detail. Greatly pleased, the prince retained him at his court. At that time war with Song continued; Möngke entered Shu and ordered the future Shizu to command the eastern armies. Jing accompanied him as far as Pu. Someone then obtained and presented Song policy memorials urging careful border defense and the holding of strategic passes, setting out seven routes in all; the document was sent down for the generals to discuss. Jing said, "Those who unified the realm in antiquity did so through virtue, not through force. Song shows no sign of imminent collapse, yet we would empty the state to march forth while lords at home watch for their chance and the common people suffer abroad. I see the danger in this, not the gain. Your Highness would do better to cultivate virtue and extend benevolence, treat your kin generously and select the worthy, soothe distant peoples, secure the circuits, form alliances, and ready your defenses while awaiting the western armies. Align with Heaven above and with the people's hopes below, and move when the time is right—then Song will not be worth contending for." The future Shizu, surprised that a Confucian scholar should speak so, exclaimed, "Did you discuss this with Zhang Batu?" Jing answered, "In my youth I lived in Zhang Rou's household and once heard his views. What I have just said is my own opinion; Rou knows nothing of it." He then submitted a memorial of more than seven thousand characters on the seven routes. Yang Weizhong was then appointed Pacification Commissioner of the Jianghuai, Jinghu, Hunan, and northern and southern circuits, with Jing as his deputy. Leading the Guide army, they went ahead to the river, proclaimed imperial benevolence and good faith, and received those who surrendered. Weizhong wished to go back privately to Bian, but Jing said, "You and I received the same commission to campaign south; I have heard no commission to return to Bian." Weizhong grew angry and refused to listen. Jing led his troops south with banners flying. Weizhong, alarmed, apologized and then marched on with him.
34
經聞憲宗在蜀,師久無功,進《東師議》,其略曰:
Learning that Möngke was in Shu and that the campaign had dragged on without success, Jing submitted his "Eastern Army Memorial," the gist of which was as follows:
35
經聞圖天下之事於未然則易,救天下之事於已然則難。 已然之中復有未然者,使往者不失而來者得遂,是尤難也。 國家以一旅之眾,奮起朔漠,斡鬥極以圖天下,馬首所向,無不摧破。 滅金源,並西夏,蹂荊、襄,克成都,平大理,躪轢諸夷,奄徵四海,有天下十八,盡元魏、金源故地而加多,廓然莫與侔大也。 惟宋不下,未能混一,連兵構禍逾二十年。 何曩時掇取之易,而今日圖惟之難也?
I have heard that to plan for the realm before trouble arises is easy, but to rescue the realm once trouble has already arisen is hard. Even within what has already happened there remain things not yet happened; to keep the past from being lost and the future from being ruined is harder still. Our state, with the force of a single brigade, rose from the northern desert and wrestled with fate for the empire; wherever our horses turned, nothing stood unbroken. We destroyed the Jin, annexed Western Xia, overran Jing and Xiang, took Chengdu, pacified Dali, crushed the frontier peoples, and swept the four seas. For eighteen years we held the realm, encompassing all the old territories of Northern Wei and the Jin and more besides—vast beyond compare. Only Song would not submit, and unification remained incomplete; linked campaigns have brought disaster for more than twenty years. Why was it once so easy to take, and now so hard even to plan?
36
夫取天下,有可以力並,有可以術圖。 並之以力則不可久,久則頓弊而不振; 圖之以術則不可急,急則僥倖而難成。 故自漢、唐以來,樹立攻取,或五六年,未有逾十年者,是以其力不弊,而卒能保大定功。 晉之取吳,隋之取陳,皆經營比佽十有餘年,是以其術得成,而卒能混一。 或久或近,要之成功各當其可,不妄為而已。
In taking the realm, some conquests may be won by force and others secured by strategy. Force cannot be sustained for long; drawn out, it grows spent and slack and cannot recover. Strategy cannot be hurried; hurried, it turns on chance and is hard to bring to completion. From Han and Tang onward, founding conquests lasted five or six years and never more than ten, so that force was not exhausted and great success could at last be secured. Jin's conquest of Wu and Sui's conquest of Chen both required more than ten years of careful preparation, so that strategy ripened and unification was finally achieved. Whether the time required is long or short, success comes only when action is timely and nothing is done rashly.
37
國家建極開統垂五十年,而一之以兵,遺黎殘姓,遊氣驚魂,虔劉劘盪,殆欲殲盡。 自古用兵,未有如是之久且多也,其力安得不弊乎! 且括兵率賦,朝下令而夕出師,躬擐甲胄,跋履山川,闔國大舉,以之伐宋而圖混一。 以志則銳,以力則強,以土則大,而其術則未盡也。 苟於諸國既平之後,息師撫民,致治成化,創法立制,敷布條綱,上下井井,不撓不紊,任老成為輔相,起英特為將帥,選賢能為任使,鳩智計為機衡,平賦以足用,屯農以足食,內治既舉,外禦亦備。 如其不服,姑以文誥,拒而不從,而後伺隙觀釁,以正天伐。 自東海至於襄、鄧,重兵數道,聯幟接武,以為正兵。 自漢中至於大理,輕兵捷出,批亢抵脅,以為奇兵。 帥臣得人,師出以律,高拱九重之內,而海外有截矣。 是而不為,乃於間歲遽為大舉,上下震動,兵連禍結,底安於危,是已然而莫可止者也。 東師未出,大王仁明,則猶有未然者,可不議乎!
Our state has upheld the throne and opened its succession for nearly fifty years, yet has relied on arms alone; the surviving people and broken clans, their spirits shaken and their souls in terror, have been battered and scattered almost to extinction. Never in history have arms been employed so long and so relentlessly—how could our strength not be exhausted! Moreover, troops are conscripted and taxes collected; an order given in the morning sends armies out by evening; the ruler himself dons armor and crosses mountains and rivers; the whole state is mobilized in a great campaign against Song in pursuit of unification. In resolve we are keen, in strength we are mighty, in territory we are vast—yet strategy has not been fully applied. If, once the other states had been pacified, we had rested the armies and soothed the people, brought government to completion and civilization to fruition, created laws and established institutions, spread regulations throughout the realm, made high and low orderly and undisturbed, entrusted seasoned men with ministerial office, raised outstanding men as generals, selected the worthy and capable for service, gathered wisdom into the pivot of statecraft, balanced taxes to meet expenses, and established garrison farming to meet food needs, then internal order would have been complete and external defense secure. If they still would not submit, we could first send written proclamations; if they refused, we could then watch for openings and signs of disorder and launch the righteous punitive campaign ordained by Heaven. From the Eastern Sea to Xiang and Deng, heavy forces in several columns, banners linked and ranks continuous, would serve as the main army. From Hanzhong to Dali, light forces darting swiftly to strike the enemy's vital point and threaten his flank would serve as the strategic army. With the right commanders and armies that march by rule, the ruler could sit high within the palace while the realm beyond the seas was secured. Instead of doing this, a great campaign is launched every few years; court and country are shaken, war breeds disaster, and safety ends in peril. This is what has already happened and can no longer be stopped. Before the eastern army marches, while Your Highness is still benevolent and clear-sighted, there remain matters not yet lost—should we not discuss them?
38
國家用兵,一以國俗為製,而不師古。 不計師之眾寡,地之險易,敵之強弱,必合圍把槊,獵取之若禽獸然。 聚如丘山,散如風雨,迅如雷電,捷如鷹鶻,鞭弭所屬,指期約日,萬里不忒,得兵家之詭道,而長於用奇。 自澮河之戰,乘勝下燕、雲,遂遺兵而去,似無意於取者。 既破回鶻,滅西夏,乃下兵關陝以敗金師,然後知所以深取之,是長於用奇也。 既而為斡腹之舉,由金、房繞出潼關之背以攻汴; 為搗虛之計,自西和徑入石泉、威、茂以取蜀; 為示遠之謀,自臨洮、吐番穿徹西南以平大理。 皆用奇也。 夫攻其無備,出其不意,而後可以用奇。 豈有連百萬之眾,首尾萬餘里,六飛雷動,乘輿親出,竭天下,倒四海,騰擲宇宙,軒豁天地,大極於遐徼之土,細窮於委巷之民,撞其鐘而掩其耳,囓其臍而蔽其目,如是用奇乎? 是執千金之璧而投瓦石也。
Our state wages war entirely by its own customs, without taking antiquity as its guide. Without regard for the size of the army, the difficulty of the terrain, or the strength of the enemy, we must always surround the foe, spears at the ready, and hunt him down like birds and beasts. Gathering like mountains, dispersing like wind and rain, swift as thunder and lightning, sharp as hawks and falcons, they obey the whip and keep to the appointed day across ten thousand li without fail. This is the strategist's way of deception, and our strength lies in the use of surprise. At the battle of the Fen River we rode victory down into Yan and Yun, then withdrew our troops and departed—as if we had no intention of taking the land at all. After breaking the Uighurs and destroying Western Xia, we sent troops down through Guan and Shan to defeat the Jin—only then learning how to take territory in depth. That was our excellence in surprise. Then came the flank assault, passing through Jin and Fang to circle behind Tong Pass and strike at Bian; the plan to strike where the enemy was empty, entering directly from Xihe through Shiquan, Wei, and Mao to take Shu; and the scheme to feign distance, cutting from Lintao and Tibet through the southwest to pacify Dali. All of these relied on surprise. Only by attacking where the enemy is unprepared and appearing where he does not expect can surprise be used. How can one mass a million men in a line ten thousand li long, with the imperial carriages thundering forward and the ruler himself taking the field, exhausting the realm, overturning the four seas, shaking heaven and earth, reaching to the farthest frontier and probing into every alley—striking the bell while stopping one's ears, biting one's navel while covering one's eyes—and call that the use of surprise? That is like clutching a jade disc worth a thousand gold and hurling it against tiles and stones.
39
其初以奇勝也,關隴、江淮之北,平原曠野之多,而吾長於騎,故所向不能禦。 兵鋒新銳,民物稠夥,擁而擠之,郡邑自潰,而吾長於攻,故所擊無不破。 是以用其奇而驟勝。 今限以大山深谷,厄以重險薦阻,迂以危途繚徑,我之乘險以用奇則難,彼之因險以製奇則易。 況於客主勢懸,蘊蓄情露,無虜掠以為資,無俘獲以備役,以有限之力,冒無限之險,雖有奇謀秘略,無所用之。 力無所用與無力同,勇無所施與不勇同,計不能行與無計同。 泰山壓卵之勢,河海濯爇之舉,擁遏頓滯,盤桓而不得進,所謂強弩之末不能射魯縞者也。
At first we won through surprise because north of Guan, Long, and the Huai and Yang rivers lie broad plains and open country, and we excel at cavalry, so that wherever we turned none could withstand us. Our armies were fresh and sharp, the enemy's people and goods densely packed; pressed and crowded, districts and towns collapsed of themselves, and because we excel at assault, nothing we struck failed to break. That is why, by using surprise, we won so swiftly. Now we are hemmed in by great mountains and deep valleys, choked by layered passes and repeated obstacles, and twisted along dangerous paths and winding tracks. For us to use terrain for surprise is hard; for the enemy to use terrain against us is easy. Moreover, as invaders we are at a disadvantage; our intentions are exposed; we have no plunder for supplies and no captives for labor; with limited strength we brave limitless danger. Even the cleverest stratagems have nowhere to be applied. Strength with nowhere to apply it is no strength at all; courage with nowhere to deploy it is no courage at all; plans that cannot be executed are no plans at all. We have the momentum of Mount Tai crushing an egg and the power of rivers and seas extinguishing a flame, yet we are blocked and stalled, circling without advancing—like the tip of a strong crossbow that cannot pierce a piece of Lu silk.
40
為今之計,則宜救已然之失,防未然之變而已。 西師既構,猝不可解,如兩虎相鬥,猝入於岩阻,見之者辟易不暇,又焉能以理相喻,使之逡巡自退? 彼知其危,竭國以並命,我必其取,無由以自悔,兵連禍結,何時而已。 殿下宜遣人禀命於行在所,大軍壓境,遣使喻宋,示以大信,令降名進幣,割地納質。 彼必受命,姑為之和,偃兵息民,以全吾力,而圖後舉,天地人神之福也。 禀命不從,殿下之義盡,而後進吾師,重慎詳審,不為躁輕飄忽,為前定之謀,而一之以正大,假西師以為奇而用吾正。 比師南轅,先示恩信,申其文移,喻以禍福,使知殿下仁而不殺,非好攻戰辟土地,不得已而用兵之意。 誠意昭著,恩信流行,然後閱實精勇,別為一軍,為帳下之卒,舉老成知兵者俾為將帥,更直宿衛,以備不虞。 其餘師眾,各畀侯伯,使吾府大官元臣分師總統,為戰攻之卒。 其新入部曲,瞢不知兵,雖名為兵,其實役徒者,使沿邊進築,與敵郡邑犬牙相制,為屯戍之卒。 推擇單弱,究竟逃匿,編葺部伍,使聞望重臣為之撫育,總押近裡故屯,為鎮守之卒。 使掣肘之計不行,妄意之徒屏息,內外備禦無有缺綻,則制節以進。 既入其境,敦陳固列,緩為之行。 彼善於守而吾不攻,彼恃城壁以不戰老吾,吾合長圍以不攻困彼,吾用吾之所長,彼不能用其長。 選出入便利之地為久駐之基,示必取之勢。 毋焚廬舍,毋傷人民,開其生路,以攜其心,亟肄以疲,多方以誤,以弊其力。 兵勢既振,蘊蓄既見,則以輕兵掠兩淮,杜其樵採而遏其糧路,使血脈斷絕,各守孤城,示不足取。 即進大兵,直抵於江,沿江上下,列屯萬灶,號令明肅,部曲嚴整,首尾締構,各具舟楫,聲言徑渡。 彼必震壘,自起變故。 蓋彼之精銳盡在兩淮,江面闊越,恃其岩阻,兵皆柔脆,用兵以來未嘗一戰,焉能當我百戰之銳! 一處崩壞,則望風皆潰,肱髀不續,外內限絕,勇者不能用而怯者不能敵,背者不能返而面者不能禦,水陸相擠,必為我乘。 是兵家所謂避堅攻瑕,避實擊虛者也。
The plan for the present should be to remedy what has already gone wrong and guard against what has not yet gone wrong. The western campaign has already begun and cannot suddenly be undone. It is like two tigers fighting who plunge together into a rocky ravine: those who see them shrink back in terror. How then can reason persuade them to withdraw of their own accord? Song knows its peril and will exhaust the state in a fight to the death; we insist on taking it and cannot turn back. War breeds disaster—when will it end? Your Highness should send someone to report to the emperor's headquarters. With the main army pressing the border, send envoys to Song, offer great assurances of good faith, and require them to submit formally, present tribute, cede territory, and send hostages. Song will surely accept; for the moment make peace, halt the war, and rest the people so that we preserve our strength for a later campaign. That would be a blessing for Heaven, Earth, humankind, and the spirits alike. If they refuse the orders you report upward, Your Highness will have done all that righteousness requires; only then should our army advance—slowly, carefully, and without rash haste. Lay plans in advance, keep them upright and grand in scope, use the western campaign as a strategic diversion, and commit our main force where it counts. When the army turns south, show kindness and good faith first: send official communications and explain the consequences of submission and resistance, so they understand that Your Highness is merciful and does not delight in killing, that you do not love war or the seizure of land, and that you take up arms only when you must. Once sincerity is plain and kindness and trust have taken hold, review the troops and pick out the brave and seasoned. Form a separate army as Your Highness's personal force, appoint mature, experienced commanders, rotate guard duty, and keep reserves ready against the unexpected. Assign the rest of the army to the princes and nobles, and have the great officials and senior ministers of our headquarters divide command among them as the assault force. The newly recruited units, ignorant of war though called soldiers and in truth little more than laborers, should be sent forward along the border to build fortifications, locking with enemy prefectures and districts like interlocking teeth, as garrison troops. Winnow out the weak, round up deserters and fugitives, reorganize the ranks, and put eminent ministers in charge of their care and training. Place them under overall command of nearby old garrisons as defensive troops. Only when schemes to check and constrain us can no longer succeed, when reckless schemers dare not stir, and when defenses within and without are sound should the advance proceed—measured, controlled, and in due order. Once inside their territory, keep formations solid and dense, and advance slowly. They are skilled at defense, so we do not assault them. They rely on walls and battlements to wear us down without fighting; we encircle them in a long siege and wear them down without fighting. We use our strengths; they cannot use theirs. Choose a position convenient for advance and withdrawal as a base for a long encampment, and show the momentum of an army that means to take what it besieges. Do not burn dwellings or harm the people. Leave them a way to live and so win their hearts. Harass them constantly to wear them down, and use many stratagems to confuse and exhaust their strength. Once our military momentum is strong and our reserves are in place, send light troops to raid the Two Huai, cut off firewood and foraging, and block grain routes. Sever their lifelines so that each city stands alone and seems not worth the cost of taking. Then advance the main army straight to the Yangtze. Up and down the river, line the banks with camps and ten thousand cooking fires. Keep orders clear and discipline strict, link van and rear, equip every unit with boats, and proclaim an intention to cross directly. They will surely be shaken in their fortifications and throw themselves into disorder. Their elite troops are all in the Two Huai. The river is broad, they rely on rocky barriers, and their soldiers are soft and untested; since the war began they have never fought a real battle. How can such men stand against our battle-hardened veterans? Once one point gives way, the rest will flee at the mere rumor of defeat. Arm and thigh will be severed, outer defenses cut off from inner reserves. The brave will have no room to fight and the timid will not stand. Those in the rear cannot retreat and those in front cannot hold. Pressed on land and water alike, they will fall into our hands. This is what strategists call avoiding the strong and striking the weak, shunning the solid and hitting the empty.
41
如欲存養兵力,漸次以進,以圖萬全,則先荊後淮,先淮後江。 彼之素論,謂「有荊、襄則可以保淮甸,有淮甸則可以保江南」。 先是,我嘗有荊、襄,有淮甸,有上流,皆自失之。 今當從彼所保以為吾攻,命一軍出襄、鄧,直渡漢水,造舟為梁,水陸濟師。 以輕兵掇襄陽,絕其糧路,重兵皆趨漢陽,出其不意,以伺江隙。 不然,則重兵臨襄陽,輕兵捷出,穿徹均、房,遠叩歸、峽,以應西師。 如交、廣、施、黔選鋒透出,夔門不守,大勢順流,即並兵大出,摧拉荊、郢,橫潰湘、潭,以成犄角。 一軍出壽春,乘其銳氣,並取荊山。 駕淮為梁,以通南北。 輕兵抄壽春,而重兵支佈於鍾離、合淝之間,掇拾湖濼,奪取關隘,據濡須,塞皖口,南入舒、和,西及於蘄、黃,徜徉恣肆,以覘江口。 烏江、採石廣布戍邏,偵江渡之險易,測備御之疏密,徐為之謀,而後進師。 所謂潰兩淮之腹心,抉長江之襟要也。 一軍出維揚,連楚蟠亙,蹈跨長淮,鄰我強對,通、泰、海門,揚子江面,密彼京畿,必皆備禦堅厚,若遽攻擊,則必老師費財。 當以重兵臨維揚,合為長圍,示以必取。 而以輕兵出通、泰,直塞海門、瓜步、金山、柴墟河口,遊騎上下,吞江吸海,並著威信,遲以月時,以觀其變。 是所謂圖緩持久之勢也。 三道並出,東西連衡,殿下或處一軍,為之節制,使我兵力常有餘裕,如是則未來之變或可弭,已然之失一日或可救也。
If the aim is to preserve strength and advance step by step toward complete security, then take Jing first and Huai next, Huai first and the Yangtze next. Their long-standing doctrine holds that "with Jing and Xiang one can hold the Huai region, and with the Huai region one can hold Jiangnan." We ourselves once held Jing and Xiang, the Huai region, and the upper Yangtze—and lost them all through our own errors. Now we should turn what they rely on to defend themselves into the axis of our attack: send one army out from Xiang and Deng, cross the Han River directly, build boats into bridges, and move troops by land and water together. Send light troops to seize Xiangyang and cut their grain routes, while heavy forces rush on Hanyang by surprise and watch for an opening on the Yangtze. Alternatively, press Xiangyang with heavy troops while light forces dash through Jun and Fang, strike deep at Gui and Xia, and coordinate with the western campaign. If elite troops break out from Jiao, Guang, Shi, and Qian, if Kuimen is left undefended, and the main current sweeps downstream, then unite the armies and advance in force: smash Jing and Ying, sweep through Xiang and Tan, and form a pincer. Send one army out from Shouchun, ride its momentum, and take Jingshan as well. Bridge the Huai to link north and south. Raid Shouchun with light troops while heavy forces spread between Zhongli and Hefei, secure the lake marshes, seize the passes, hold Ruxu, block Wankou, push south into Shu and He and west to Qi and Huang, and roam freely to reconnoiter the river mouth. At Wujiang and Caishi, post garrison patrols widely, scout the difficulty of crossings, measure the strength of defenses, plan at leisure, and only then advance the army. This is what is meant by rupturing the heart of the Two Huai and seizing the Yangtze's vital passes. Send one army out from Yangzhou. Chu sprawls across this route; it crosses the long Huai and borders our chief enemy. Tong, Tai, Haimen, and the Yangzi stretch along the river face close to their capital region, and all are heavily fortified. A rash assault would only wear out the army and drain the treasury. Press Yangzhou with heavy troops, combine in a long encirclement, and show that it must be taken. Meanwhile send light troops out from Tong and Tai to block Haimen, Guabu, Jinshan, and the Chaiqu river mouth. Let roaming cavalry move up and down the coast as if to swallow river and sea alike, show authority and restraint together, and wait months to watch how they respond. This is what is meant by building a slow, enduring strategic position. With three routes advancing together and east linked to west, Your Highness may take command of one army and coordinate the whole, keeping our forces always with reserve in hand. Then future disasters may yet be averted, and mistakes already made may one day be set right.
42
議者必曰:三道並進,則兵分勢弱,不若並力一向,則莫我當也。 會不知取國之術與爭地之術異:並力一向,爭地之術也; 諸道並進,取國之術也。 昔之混一者,皆若是矣。 晉取吳,則六道進; 隋取陳,則九道進; 宋之於南唐,則三面皆進。 未聞以一旅之眾而能克國者,或者有之,僥倖之舉也。 豈有堂堂大國,師徒百萬,而為僥倖之舉乎? 況彼渡江立國,百有餘年,紀綱修明,風俗完厚,君臣輯睦,內無禍釁,東西南北,輪廣萬里,亦未可小。 自敗盟以來,無日不討軍實而申警之,徬徨百折,當我強對,未嘗大敗,不可謂弱。 豈可蔑視,謂秦無人,直欲一軍幸而取勝乎? 秦王問王翦以伐荊,翦曰:「非六十萬不可。」 秦王曰:「將軍老矣。」 命李信將二十萬往,不克,卒畀翦以兵六十萬而後舉楚。 蓋眾有所必用,事勢有不可懸料而幸取者。 故王者之舉必萬全,其幸舉者,崛起無賴之人也。
Critics will surely say that advancing on three routes divides the army and weakens its momentum, and that it would be better to combine all force in one direction so that none could stand against us. They fail altogether to see that the art of conquering a state is not the art of seizing territory: to combine force in one direction is the art of seizing territory; to advance on every route at once is the art of conquering a state. Every power that unified the realm in the past did the same. When Jin took Wu, six routes advanced; when Sui took Chen, nine routes advanced; and when Song moved against Southern Tang, it advanced on all three sides. I have never heard of a single brigade conquering a whole state. If such a thing ever happened, it was luck, not strategy. How can a great power in all its dignity, fielding a million men, stake everything on a lucky gamble? Moreover, Song has ruled south of the Yangtze for more than a century. Its institutions are well ordered, its customs sound, its ruler and ministers harmonious, and it has no internal strife. Its domain stretches ten thousand li in every direction. It is not to be underestimated. Since the alliance was broken, not a day has passed without a muster of arms and a call to readiness. Though it has wavered and turned back upon itself a hundred times, it has faced our main force without suffering great defeat. It cannot be called weak. How can we despise such a foe, pretend that "there is no one in Qin," and expect one army to win by sheer luck? When the King of Qin asked Wang Jian about attacking Chu, Jian said, "It cannot be done with fewer than six hundred thousand men." The King of Qin said, "General, you are old." He sent Li Xin with two hundred thousand men, but Li Xin failed. In the end he gave Jian six hundred thousand troops, and only then was Chu conquered. Numbers have their necessary uses, and circumstances cannot be staked on a lucky stroke. That is why the acts of a true king must be fully secure. Those who gamble on fortune are upstarts and adventurers.
43
嗚呼! 西師之出,已及瓜戍,而猶未即功。 國家全盛之力,在於東左,若亦直前振迅,銳而圖功,一舉而下金陵、舉臨安則可也。 如兵力耗弊,役成遷延,進退不可,反為敵人所乘,悔可及乎! 固宜重慎詳審,圖之以術。 若前所陳,以全吾力,是所謂坐勝也。 雖然,猶有可憂者。 國家掇取諸國,飄忽凌厲,本以力勝。 今乃無故而為大舉,若又措置失宜,無以挫英雄之氣,服天下之心,則稔惡懷姦之流,得以窺其隙而投其間,國內空虛,易為搖盪。 臣愚所以諄諄於東師,反覆致論,謂不在於已然而在於未然者,此也。
Alas! The western campaign set out so long ago that the season has already turned to midsummer, and still it has not achieved its aim. The state's full strength lies on the eastern front. If it presses straight forward with sharp resolve and takes Jinling and Lin'an in one stroke, that would be one thing. But if our strength is exhausted, the campaign drags on, advance and retreat alike become impossible, and the enemy turns our hesitation against us—then what good will regret do? This is exactly why one must be cautious, thorough, and deliberate, and plan by strategy rather than impulse. As I said before, to preserve our strength is what is called winning without fighting. Even so, there is still cause for alarm. The state has gathered and seized kingdom after kingdom in swift, fierce campaigns, winning fundamentally by force. Now, for no good reason, we launch a great campaign. If the arrangements are again mishandled and we fail to break the spirit of our heroes and win the hearts of the realm, then men long steeped in evil and treachery will spy our weaknesses and thrust themselves into the breach. The interior will be hollow and easily shaken. That is why I have spoken so earnestly and at such length about the eastern campaign, insisting again and again that the danger lies not in what has already happened, but in what has not yet happened.
44
遂會兵渡江,圍鄂州,聞憲宗崩,召諸將屬議,經復進議曰:
Thereupon the armies were united, the Yangtze was crossed, and Ezhou was besieged. When word came that Emperor Xianzong had died, the prince summoned his generals to counsel together, and Jing again offered his advice, saying:
45
《易》言:「知進退存亡而不失其正者,其惟聖人乎!」 殿下聰明睿知,足以有臨; 發強剛毅,足以有斷。 進退存亡之正,知之久矣。 向在沙陀,命經曰:「時未可也。」 又曰:「時之一字最當整理。」 又曰:「可行之時,爾自知之。」 大哉王言,「時乘六龍」之道,知之久矣。 自出師以來,進而不退,經有所未解者,故言於真定,於曹、濮,於唐、鄧。 亟言不已,未賜開允,乃今事急,故復進狂言。
The Book of Changes says, "He who knows when to advance and when to retreat, when to survive and when to perish, and does not lose the right course— is he not a sage?" Your Highness is intelligent and wise, fully equal to command; resolute, strong, and firm, fully equal to decide. You have long known the right way of advance and retreat, survival and destruction. At Shatuo you once told me, "The time is not yet right." You also said, "Of all words, 'time' is the one that most deserves careful attention." You also said, "When the time to act arrives, you yourself will know it." How great those words were! The way of "riding the six dragons at the proper time"—you have known it long. Since the army marched out and advanced without retreating—what I could not understand—I spoke at Zhending, at Cao and Pu, and at Tang and Deng. I spoke urgently again and again, but received no approval. Now that matters are critical, I must again offer these rash words.
46
國家自平金以來,惟務進取,不遵養時晦,老師費財,卒無成功,三十年矣。 蒙哥罕立,政當安靜以圖寧謐,忽無故大舉,進而不退,畀王東師,則不當亦進也而遽進。 以為有命,不敢自逸,至於汝南,既聞凶訃,即當遣使,遍告諸帥,各以次退,修好於宋,歸定大事,不當復進也而遽進。 以有師期,會於江濱,遣使喻宋,息兵安民,振旅而歸,不當復進也而又進。 既不宜渡淮,又豈宜渡江? 既不宜妄進,又豈宜攻城? 若以機不可失,敵不可縱,亦既渡江,不能中止,便當乘虛取鄂,分兵四出,直造臨安,疾雷不及掩耳,則宋亦可圖。 如其不可,知難而退,不失為金兀术也。 師不當進而進,江不當渡而渡,城不當攻而攻,當速退而不退,當速進而不進,役成遷延,盤桓江渚,情見勢屈,舉天下兵力不能取一城,則我竭彼盈,又何俟乎? 且諸軍疾疫已十四五,又延引月日,冬春之交,疫必大作,恐欲還不能。
Since the state pacified the Jin, it has pursued advance alone and not heeded the lesson to nourish strength and bide one's time. For thirty years it has worn out its armies and wasted its treasury, yet achieved nothing. When Möngke Khan came to the throne, the state should have rested and sought tranquility. Instead it suddenly launched a great campaign and advanced without retreat. When the prince was given the eastern army, he should not yet have marched—but he marched at once. Believing he had his orders and not daring to pause on his own account, he pressed on to Runan. Once he heard the news of the emperor's death, he should at once have sent envoys to every commander to withdraw in order, make peace with Song, and return to settle the succession. He should not have advanced further—but he advanced again at once. Because there was a campaign deadline, he met the armies at the riverbank. He should have sent envoys to Song to halt the war and rest the people, then withdrawn his forces and returned. He should not have advanced further—but he advanced again. If it was already unwise to cross the Huai, how can it be wise to cross the Yangtze? If it was already unwise to advance rashly, how can it be wise to besiege a city? If one insists that the moment must not be lost and the enemy must not be allowed to recover—since the Yangtze has already been crossed and the advance cannot be halted—then one should seize the moment, take Ezhou, divide the army four ways, and strike straight for Lin'an like thunder before the ears can cover. Then Song might still be taken. If that is not possible, then knowing the difficulty and withdrawing would be no disgrace—no worse than Wanyan Zongbi. The army advanced when it should not have, the river was crossed when it should not have been, the city was attacked when it should not have been. We should have withdrawn quickly but did not; we should have pressed forward quickly but did not. The campaign drags on while we linger on the riverbank. Our intentions are exposed and our momentum broken. All the military power of the realm cannot take a single city. We are exhausted while the enemy is full. What, then, are we waiting for? Moreover, plague has already struck four or five men in ten throughout the armies. If we delay month after month until the turn of winter and spring, the pestilence will surely rage—and then we may wish to withdraw and be unable.
47
彼既上流無虞,呂文德已並兵拒守,知我國疵,鬥氣自倍。 兩淮之兵盡集白鷺,江西之兵盡集隆興,嶺廣之兵盡集長沙,閩、越沿海巨舶大艦以次而至,伺隙而進。 如遏截於江、黃津渡,邀遮於大城關口,塞漢東之石門,限郢、復之湖濼,則我將安歸? 無已則突入江、浙,搗其心腹。 聞臨安、海門已具龍舟,則已徒往; 還抵金山,並命求出,豈無韓世忠之儔? 且鄂與漢陽分據大別,中挾巨浸,號為活城,肉薄骨並而拔之,則彼委破壁孤城而去,溯流而上,則入洞庭,保荊、襄,順流而下,則精兵健櫓突過滸、黃,未易遏也,則亦徒費人命,我安所得哉! 區區一城,勝之不武,不勝則大損威望,復何俟乎!
They have no worry on the upper Yangtze. Lü Wende has already combined his forces to resist us. Knowing our weaknesses, their fighting spirit has doubled. The armies of the Two Huai are massed at Bailu, the Jiangxi forces at Longxing, the Lingnan and Guang troops at Changsha, and great ships from Fujian and Zhejiang are arriving along the coast one after another, waiting for an opening to strike. If we are blocked at the Jiang and Huang crossings, intercepted at Dacheng Pass, cut off at Shimen in eastern Han, and hemmed in by the lake marshes of Ying and Fu—where then can our army retreat? If there is no other course, we would have to burst into Jiangsu and Zhejiang and strike their heartland. But if Lin'an and Haimen already have imperial barges ready, such a thrust would come to nothing; and on the return, when we reach Jinshan and the enemy is ordered out to meet us, will there not be commanders like Han Shizhong waiting? Moreover, Ezhou and Hanyang stand on either side of Great Bi Mountain with a vast lake between them—a position called the Living City. Even if we took it only by pressing flesh to flesh and bone to bone, the defenders would abandon the broken walls and slip away. Upstream lies Dongting and the route to Jing and Xiang; downstream, elite troops and swift ships would burst past Hu and Huang and not easily be stopped. We would merely waste lives. What would we gain? A single minor city: to take it would bring little glory, but to fail would greatly damage our prestige. What are we waiting for?
48
雖然,以王本心,不欲渡江,既渡江,不欲攻城,既攻城,不欲並命,不焚廬舍,不傷人民,不易其衣冠,不毀其墳墓,三百里外不使侵掠。 或勸徑趨臨安,曰其民人稠夥,若往,雖不殺戮,亦被踐蹂,吾所不忍。 若天與我,不必殺人; 若天弗與,殺人何益,而竟不往。 諸將歸罪士人,謂不可用,以不殺人故不得城。 曰彼守城者只一士人賈制置,汝十萬眾不能勝,殺人數月不能拔,汝輩之罪也,豈士人之罪乎! 益禁殺人。 巋然一仁,上通於天,久有歸志,不能遂行耳。 然今事急,不可不斷也。
Even so, by the prince's own intent: he did not wish to cross the Yangtze; having crossed, he did not wish to attack cities; having attacked, he did not wish to stake everything on one throw. He would not burn dwellings, harm the people, change their dress, or destroy their tombs, and beyond three hundred li he would not permit raiding. Some urged him to strike straight for Lin'an. He said its people are densely packed; even without slaughter, they would be trampled underfoot—and that he could not bear. If Heaven grants us victory, there is no need to kill; if Heaven does not grant it, what good would killing do? In the end he would not go. The generals blamed the scholar-advisers, saying they were useless and that the city could not be taken because killing was forbidden. He said, "Their defender is only one scholar-official, Commissioner Jia. Your hundred thousand men cannot defeat him. Months of slaughter have not taken the city. The fault is yours—how is it the scholar-advisers' fault?" He forbade killing all the more strictly. Standing firm in benevolence that reaches up to Heaven, he had long wished to withdraw but could not bring himself to do it. Yet now the crisis is upon us, and a decision cannot be postponed.
49
宋人方懼大敵,自救之師雖則畢集,未暇謀我。 第吾國內空虛,塔察國王與李行省肱髀相依,在於背脅; 西域諸胡窺覘關隴,隔絕旭烈大王; 病民諸姦各持兩端,觀望所立,莫不覬覦神器,染指垂涎。 一有狡焉,或啟戎心,先人舉事,腹背受敵,大事去矣。 且阿里不哥已行赦令,令脫里赤為斷事官、行尚書省,據燕都,按圖籍,號令諸道,行皇帝事矣。 雖大王素有人望,且握重兵,獨不見金世宗、海陵之事乎! 若彼果決,稱受遺詔,便正位號,下詔中原,行赦江上,欲歸得乎?
The Song now fear a great enemy; though their armies for self-defense are fully gathered, they have no leisure to plot against us. Only at home we are hollow; Prince Tacha and Regional Commander Li cling to each other like arm and thigh, at our back and flank; the various Hu of the Western Regions spy on Guanlong and cut off Prince Hulagu; suffering people and various traitors each wait on two sides, watching who will be established, all coveting the throne and licking their lips. Should one be crafty and rouse martial intent, strike first, and we be attacked front and rear, the great affair is lost. Moreover Ariq Böke has already issued an amnesty, appointing Toliči judicial officer and acting Secretariat, holding Yan capital, checking registers, commanding the circuits, and performing imperial affairs. Though Your Highness has long enjoyed popular esteem and holds heavy troops, have you not seen what befell Jin Shizong and Prince Hailing? If he is truly resolute, claims the testamentary edict, establishes his title, issues edicts in the Central Plains, and proclaims amnesty on the Yangtze—could you still return?
50
昨奉命與張仲一觀新月城,自西南隅抵東北隅,萬人敵,上可並行大車,排槎OC樓,締構重覆,必不可攻,只有許和而歸耳。 斷然班師,亟定大計,銷禍於未然。 先命勁兵把截江面,與宋議和,許割淮南、漢上、梓夔兩路,定疆界歲幣。 置輜重,以輕騎歸,渡淮乘驛,直造燕都,則從天而下,彼之奸謀僭志,冰釋瓦解。 遣一軍逆蒙哥罕靈輿,收皇帝璽。 遣使召旭烈、阿里不哥、摩哥及諸王駙馬,會喪和林。 差官於汴京、京兆、成都、西涼、東平、西京、北京,撫慰安輯,召真金太子鎮燕都,示以形勢。 則大寶有歸,而社稷安矣。
Yesterday by order I inspected New Moon City with Zhang Zhongyi; from southwest to northeast it would withstand ten thousand men, chariots could pass abreast on the ramparts, rafts and towers were set in rows, structures layered in repetition—it cannot be taken; we can only make peace and withdraw. Withdraw the army decisively, fix the great plan at once, and extinguish disaster before it arises. First order crack troops to block the river, negotiate peace with Song, promise to cede the Huainan, Hanshang, and Zikui circuits, and fix borders and annual tribute. Leave baggage, return with light cavalry, cross the Huai by post road and go straight to Yan capital—then descending from Heaven, their treacherous plots and usurping ambitions will melt like ice. Send one army to meet Prince Möngke's funeral carriage and receive the imperial seal. Send envoys to summon Hulagu, Ariq Böke, Möngke, and the princes and imperial sons-in-law to assemble for mourning at Karakorum. Dispatch officials to Bianjing, Jingzhao, Chengdu, Xiliang, Dongping, Xijing, and Beijing to comfort and settle, summon Crown Prince Jingzhen to guard Yan capital and display the situation. Then the great inheritance will have its place and the altars of state will be secure.
51
時經有重名,平章王文統忌之。 既行,文統陰屬李璮潛師侵宋,欲假手害經。 經至濟南,璮以書止經,經以璮書聞於朝而行。 宋敗璮軍於淮安,經至宿州,遣副使劉仁傑、參議高翿請入國日期,不報。 遺書宰相及淮帥李庭芝,庭芝復書果疑經,而賈似道方以卻敵為功,恐經至謀洩,竟館經真州。 經乃上表宋主曰:「願附魯連之義,排難解紛; 豈知唐儉之徒,款兵誤國。」 又數上書宋主及宰執,極陳戰和利害,且請入見及歸國,皆不報。 驛吏棘垣鑰戶,晝夜守邏,欲以動經,經不屈。 經待下素嚴,又久羈困,下多怨者。 經諭曰:「向受命不進,我之罪也。 一入宋境,死生進退,聽其在彼,我終不能屈身辱命。 汝等不幸,宜忍以待之,我觀宋祚將不久矣。」 居七年,從者怒鬥,死者數人,經獨與六人處別館。 又九年,丞相伯顏奉詔南伐,帝遣禮部尚書中都海牙及經弟行樞密院都事郝庸入宋,問執行人之罪,宋懼,遣總管段佑以禮送經歸。 賈似道之謀既洩,尋亦竄死。 經歸,道病,帝敕樞密院及尚醫近侍迎勞,所過父老瞻望流涕。 明年夏,至闕,錫燕大庭,諮以政事,賞賚有差。 秋七月,卒,年五十三,官為護喪還葬,諡文忠。 明年,宋平。
At that time Jing enjoyed great reputation and Equal Administrator Wang Wentong envied him. After Jing had departed, Wentong secretly instructed Li Tan to send troops in secret against Song, wishing to use another's hand to harm Jing. When Jing reached Jinan, Tan sent a letter stopping him; Jing reported Tan's letter to court and continued on his way. Song defeated Tan's army at Huai'an; Jing reached Suzhou and sent Vice Envoy Liu Renjie and Adviser Gao Hao to request a date for entering the state—no reply came. He sent letters to the chief ministers and Huai commander Li Tingzhi; Tingzhi's reply showed suspicion of Jing, while Jia Sidao was taking repelling the enemy as his achievement and feared that if Jing came his plot would leak—ultimately he detained Jing at Zhenzhou. Jing thereupon memorialized the Song ruler, saying: "I wish to follow Lu Lian's example and settle difficulties and dissolve strife; who knew that men like Tang Jian, with courteous troops, would mislead the state." He again repeatedly wrote to the Song ruler and chief ministers, fully setting forth the advantages and harms of war and peace, and requesting an audience and return to his state—all without reply. Post clerks set thorn walls and locked doors, guarding day and night, wishing to break Jing—Jing would not bend. Jing had always been strict with subordinates, and after long detention many below bore resentment. Jing instructed them, saying: "Earlier, receiving orders and not advancing was my fault. Once I entered Song territory, life, death, advance, and retreat are for them to decide; I can never humiliate myself and disgrace my commission. You are unfortunate and should endure and wait; I observe that Song's fortune will not last long." After seven years, followers fought in anger and several died; Jing alone remained with six men in a separate lodge. After another nine years, Chancellor Bayan received orders for the southern campaign; the emperor sent Minister of Rites Zhongdu Haiya and Jing's younger brother Acting Privy Council Executive Hao Yong into Song to inquire about the crime of detaining an envoy; Song was afraid and sent Chief Administrator Duan You to escort Jing home with ceremony. Jia Sidao's plot had already leaked and soon he died in flight as well. When Jing returned he fell ill on the road; the emperor ordered the Privy Council and imperial physicians and close attendants to welcome and comfort him; wherever he passed, elders gazed and wept. The next summer he reached court, was granted a feast in the great hall, consulted on government affairs, and rewarded according to rank. In the seventh month of autumn he died at fifty-three; officials escorted the funeral for burial and he was given posthumous title Wenzhong. The following year Song was pacified.
52
經為人尚氣節,為學務有用。 及被留,思託言垂後,撰《續後漢書》、《易春秋外傳》、《太極演》、《原古錄》、《通鑑書法》、《玉衡貞觀》等書及文集,凡數百卷。 其文豐蔚豪宕,善議論。 詩多奇崛。 拘宋十六年,從者皆通於學。 書佐苟宗道,後官至國子祭酒。 經還之歲,汴中民射雁金明池,得系帛,書詩云:「霜落風高恣所如,歸期回首是春初。 上林天子援弓繳,窮海累臣有帛書。」 後題曰:「至元五年九月一日放雁,獲者勿殺,國信大使郝經書於真州忠勇軍營新館。」 其忠誠如此。
Jing as a man valued integrity; in learning he pursued what was useful. When detained he wished to entrust words to posterity and compiled the Continuation of the Book of Han, Outer Commentary on the Changes and Spring and Autumn Annals, Elaboration of the Supreme Ultimate, Record of Antiquity, Calligraphy of the Comprehensive Mirror, Jade Balance and Constant Observation, and other books and collected works, altogether several hundred juan. His prose was rich and bold, and he excelled at disputation. His poetry was often strange and towering. Detained in Song for sixteen years, his followers all became versed in learning. His clerk Gou Zongdao later reached office as Chancellor of the National University. In the year Jing returned, people of Bian shot geese at Jinming Pool and obtained attached silk with a poem saying: "Frost falls and wind rises—go where you will; the day you turn homeward is the start of spring. The Son of Heaven of the Upper Park draws his bow with silken cord; the minister long exiled at the edge of the sea has a message on silk." The later inscription read: "On the first day of the ninth month of the fifth year of Zhiyuan a goose was released; whoever obtains it should not kill it. Written by credentialed envoy Hao Jing at the new lodge of the Loyal and Brave Army camp at Zhenzhou." Such was his loyalty.
53
二弟彝、庸,皆有名。 彝字仲常,隱居以壽終; 庸字季常,終潁州守。 子採麟,亦賢,起家知林州,仕至山南江北道肅政廉訪使。
Two younger brothers Yi and Yong were both renowned. Yi, styled Zhongchang, lived in seclusion and died of old age; Yong, styled Jichang, ended as prefect of Yingzhou. His son Cailin was also worthy; he began office as magistrate of Lin Prefecture and served to Surveillance Commissioner of the Shannan Jiangbei Circuit for Purging Corruption.