1
姚樞,字公茂,柳城人,後遷洛陽。 少力學,內翰宋九嘉識其有王佐略,楊惟中乃與之偕覲太宗。 歲乙未,南伐,詔樞從惟中即軍中求儒、道、釋、醫、卜者。 會破棗陽,主將將盡坑之,樞力辨非詔書意,他日何以復命,乃蹙數人逃入篁竹中脫死。 拔德安,得名儒趙復,始得程頤、硃熹之書。 辛丑,賜金符,為燕京行台郎中。 時牙魯瓦赤行台,惟事貨賂,以樞幕長,分及之。 樞一切拒絕,因棄官去。 攜家來輝州,作家廟,別為室奉孔子及宋儒周惇頤等象,刊諸經,惠學者,讀書鳴琴,若將終身。 時許衡在魏,至輝,就錄程、硃所注書以歸,謂其徒曰:「曩所授受皆非,今始聞進學之序。」 既而盡室依樞以居。
Yao Shu, whose courtesy name was Gongmao, came from Liucheng and later settled in Luoyang. As a young man he studied with great diligence. The Hanlin academician Song Jiujia saw in him the makings of a statesman, and Yang Weizhong brought him to an audience with Taizong. In the yiwei year, when the court launched its southern campaign, Shu was ordered to accompany Weizhong to the army and recruit Confucian, Daoist, and Buddhist scholars, along with physicians and diviners. When Zaoyang fell, the commander was about to massacre the prisoners. Shu argued strenuously that this was not what the edict intended and asked how they could answer for it later. He then gathered a few men, hid them in bamboo groves, and saved them from death. After De'an was taken he came upon the renowned scholar Zhao Fu and, through him, first obtained the writings of Cheng Yi and Zhu Xi. In the xinchou year he received a gold tally and was made a director in the Yanjing regional secretariat. Yaruqachi then headed the secretariat and dealt only in bribes. As chief of staff, Shu was offered his share as well. Shu refused every offer and resigned his post. He moved his family to Huizhou, built a family temple, and set up a separate hall with images of Confucius and Song masters such as Zhou Dunyi. He printed the classics, helped students, and passed his days reading and playing the zither, as if he meant to live out his life in retirement. Xu Heng was then in Wei. He came to Huizhou, copied Cheng's and Zhu's commentaries to take home, and told his students, "Everything I had learned and taught before was mistaken. Only now do I understand the proper path of study." Soon afterward he brought his whole household to live with Shu.
2
世祖在潛邸,遣趙璧召樞至,大喜,待以客禮。 詢及治道,乃為書數千言,首陳二帝三王之道,以治國平天下之大經,彙為八目,曰:修身,力學,尊賢,親親,畏天,愛民,好善,遠佞。 次及救時之弊,為條三十,曰:「立省部,則庶政出一,綱舉紀張,令不行於朝而變於夕。 辟才行,舉逸遺,慎銓選,汰職員,則不專世爵而人才出。 班俸祿,則贓穢塞而公道開。 定法津,審刑獄,則收生殺之權於朝,諸侯不得而專,丘山之罪不致苟免,毫髮之過免罹極法,而冤抑有伸。 設監司,明黜陟,則善良姦窳可得而舉刺。 閣徵斂,則部族不橫於誅求。 簡驛傳,則州郡不困於需索。 修學校,崇經術,旌節孝,以為育人才、厚風俗、美教化之基,使士不媮於文華。 重農桑,寬賦稅,省徭役,禁遊惰,則民力紓,不趨於浮偽,且免習工技者歲加富溢,勤耕織者日就飢寒。 肅軍政,使田裡不知行營往復之擾攘。 周匱乏,卹鰥寡,使顛連無告者有養。 布屯田以實邊戍,通漕運以廩京都。 停債負,則賈胡不得以子為母,破稱貸之家。 廣儲蓄、復常平以待凶荒,立平準以權物估,卻利便以塞幸途,杜告訐以絕訟源。」 各疏施張之方,其下本末兼該,細大不遺。 世祖奇其才,動必召問,且使授世子經。
While Kublai was still heir apparent, he sent Zhao Bi to summon Shu. Delighted at his arrival, he received him as an honored guest. Asked about governance, he wrote a memorial of several thousand characters. He began with the Way of the legendary sage rulers as the foundation for ruling the realm, then set out eight principles: self-cultivation, diligent study, honoring the worthy, cherishing kin, revering Heaven, loving the people, delighting in goodness, and keeping flatterers at a distance. He then listed thirty reforms to remedy the ills of the day. "Establish central ministries," he wrote, "so that government issues from a single source, policy is coordinated, and orders issued at court are not overturned overnight. Recruit the capable, raise the overlooked, scrutinize appointments, and trim redundant posts—then office will not depend on hereditary privilege alone and talent will come forward. Pay regular salaries, and bribery will be checked while fair government becomes possible. Codify the laws and review criminal cases carefully, so that the power of life and death rests with the court and local lords cannot claim it for themselves. Great crimes will not be lightly pardoned, minor faults will not draw extreme penalties, and the wrongfully condemned will find justice. Appoint supervisory commissioners with clear authority to promote and dismiss, so that the worthy and the corrupt can be identified and brought to account. Halt arbitrary levies, and the tribes will no longer prey on the people with demands and punishments. Reduce the burden of the courier service, and the provinces will not be exhausted by constant demands. Restore schools, honor the classics, and commend filial piety and chastity as the foundation for nurturing talent and improving morals, so that scholars do not neglect learning for mere display. Promote farming and sericulture, lighten taxes, reduce corvée, and forbid idleness, so that the people are relieved and do not chase vain pursuits—and so that artisans do not grow rich while honest farmers and weavers sink into want. Discipline the armies so that the countryside is no longer disturbed by marching camps. Relieve the destitute and care for widows and orphans, so that those with nowhere to turn are provided for. Establish frontier garrisons and military farms to strengthen the borders, and open canal transport to supply the capital. Ban debt slavery, so that foreign merchants cannot compound interest upon interest and destroy families who lend at usury. Build up reserves, restore ever-normal granaries against famine, regulate prices through state purchasing, curb profiteering, and stop malicious denunciations that breed endless lawsuits." Under each heading he explained how to carry it out, covering both principles and details without omission. Kublai admired his ability, consulted him on every important matter, and had him teach the classics to the crown prince.
3
壬子夏,從世祖徵大理,至曲先腦兒之地。 夜宴,樞陳宋太祖遣曹彬取南唐不殺一人、市不易肆事。 明日,世祖據鞍呼曰:「汝昨夕言曹彬不殺者,吾能為之,吾能為之!」 樞馬上賀曰:「聖人之心,仁明如此,生民之幸,有國之福也。」 明年,師及大理城,飭樞裂帛為旗,書止殺之令,分號街陌,由是民得相完保。
In the summer of the renzi year he accompanied Kublai on the campaign against Dali as far as Quxiannao'er. At an evening banquet Shu told how Emperor Taizu of Song had sent Cao Bin to conquer the Southern Tang without killing a soul or disturbing the markets. The next day Kublai gripped his saddle and cried, "What you said last night about Cao Bin—I can do the same, I can do the same!" From horseback Shu congratulated him: "With a heart so benevolent and clear, the people are blessed and the realm is fortunate." The following year the army reached Dali. He had Shu cut cloth into banners bearing orders to spare lives and post them through the streets, so that the people were able to protect one another.
4
丙辰,樞入見。 或讒王府得中土心,憲宗遣阿藍答兒大為鉤考,置局關中,以百四十二條推集經略宣撫官吏,下及徵商無遺,曰:「俟終局日,入此罪者惟劉黑馬、史天澤以聞,餘悉誅之。」 世祖聞之不樂。 樞曰:「帝,君也,兄也; 大王為皇弟,臣也。 事難與較,遠將受禍。 莫若盡王邸妃主自歸朝廷,為久居謀,疑將自釋。」 及世祖見憲宗,皆泣下,竟不令有所白而止,因罷鉤考局。
In the bingchen year Shu was received in audience. Some accused the prince of winning over the Chinese territories. Mongke sent Alan Dar to conduct a sweeping investigation in Guanzhong under one hundred forty-two charges, implicating every pacification official and tax merchant. He declared, "When the inquiry ends, only Liu Heima and Shi Tianze are to be reported to me; all others are to be executed." Kublai was deeply troubled when he heard this. Shu said, "The emperor is both your sovereign and your elder brother; you are the imperial younger brother and a subject. This is not a quarrel you can win; in the end you will come to harm. Better to send your consorts and household to court voluntarily and plan for a long stay there—suspicion will then lift of its own accord." When Kublai met Mongke they both wept. He was never allowed to plead his case, yet the investigation was called off and the inquisition bureau dissolved.
5
世祖即位,立十道宣撫使,以樞使東平。 既至郡,置勸農、檢察二人以監之,推物力以均賦役,罷鐵官。 二年,拜太子太師。 樞曰:「皇太子未立,安可先有太師?」 以所受制還中書,事見《許衡傳》。 改大司農。 樞奏曰:「在太宗世,詔孔子五十一代孫元措仍襲封衍聖公,卒,其子與族人爭求襲爵,訟之潛籓,帝時曰:'第往力學,俟有成德達才,我則官之。 '又曲阜有太常雅樂,憲宗命東平守臣輦其歌工舞郎與樂色俎豆至日月山,帝親臨觀,飭東平守臣,員闕充補,無輟肄習。 且陛下閔聖賢之後《詩》、《書》不通,與凡庶等,既命洛士楊庸選孔、顏、孟三族諸孫俊秀者教之,乞真授庸教官,以成國家育材待聘風動四方之美。 王鏞煉習故實,宜令提舉禮樂,使不致崩壞。」 皆從之。 詔赴中書議事,及講定條格,且勉諭曰:「姚樞辭避台司,朕甚嘉焉。 省中庶務,須賴一二老成同心圖贊,其與尚書劉肅往盡乃心,其尚無隱。」 及修條格成,與丞相史天澤奏之,帝深嘉納。
After Kublai ascended the throne he created pacification commissioners for ten circuits and appointed Shu to Dongping. On reaching his jurisdiction he appointed overseers for agriculture and inspection, assessed property to distribute taxes and corvée fairly, and abolished the iron monopoly. In the second year of the reign he was appointed grand preceptor of the heir apparent. Shu objected, "The crown prince has not yet been named—how can there be a grand preceptor before that?" He returned his commission to the Central Secretariat; the affair is described in the biography of Xu Heng. He was then made grand minister of agriculture. Shu memorialized: "Under Taizong, Kong Yuancuo, fifty-first-generation descendant of Confucius, was confirmed as Duke Yansheng. After his death his son and kinsmen fought over the title and appealed to Your Highness's residence. You then said, 'Go and study hard; when you have proven virtue and talent, I will appoint you. Qufu also preserves the court ritual music. Mongke had the Dongping magistrate bring its singers, dancers, musicians, and ritual vessels to Riyue Mountain, where you watched in person and ordered vacancies filled so practice would never lapse. Your Majesty also pitied Confucius's descendants who could not read the classics and were no better than commoners. You have already ordered Yang Yong of Luoyang to select promising youths from the Kong, Yan, and Meng clans for instruction. I ask that Yong be formally appointed instructor, so that the state may truly nurture talent and set an example for the realm. Wang Yong is steeped in ritual precedent and should be put in charge of rites and music so they do not fall into decay." The emperor approved every recommendation. He was summoned to the Central Secretariat to deliberate on policy and help draft statutes. The emperor also encouraged him, saying, "Yao Shu declined high office at the secretariat, and I greatly commend him for it. The secretariat's daily business needs one or two seasoned men working in concert. Go with Minister Liu Su and give your full counsel—hide nothing." When the statutes were finished, he presented them with Chancellor Shi Tianze, and the emperor warmly approved them.
6
李璮謀叛,帝問:「卿料何如?」 對曰:「使璮乘吾北征之釁,瀕海搗燕,閉關居庸,惶駭人心,為上策。 與宋連和,負固持久,數擾邊,使吾罷於奔救,為中策。 如出兵濟南,待山東諸侯應援,此成擒耳。」 帝曰:「今賊將安出?」 對曰:「出下策。」 初,帝嘗論天下人材,及王文統,樞曰:「此人學術不純,以遊說乾諸侯,他日必反。」 至是,文統果因璮伏誅。
When Li Tan plotted rebellion, the emperor asked, "What do you expect of him?" He answered, "His best move would be to strike while we are campaigning in the north—raid Yan from the coast, close Juyong Pass, and spread panic. That would be the upper stratagem. Allying with Song, holding out stubbornly, and harrying our borders until we exhaust ourselves in relief—that would be the middle stratagem. If he marched from Jinan and waited for the Shandong lords to rally to him, he would be as good as captured." The emperor asked, "Which course will he take?" He answered, "The lower one." Earlier, when the emperor had discussed talent under Heaven and Wang Wentong's name came up, Shu said, "His learning is impure and he wins favor with lords through persuasion. One day he will rebel." By then Wentong had indeed been executed for his part in Tan's rebellion.
7
四年,拜中書左丞,奏罷世侯,置牧守。 或言中書政事大壞,帝怒,大臣罪且不測者,樞上言:
In the fourth year he became left vice director of the Central Secretariat and memorialized to abolish hereditary fiefs and appoint regular prefectural governors. When someone reported that the secretariat's administration had collapsed, the emperor flew into a rage and ministers faced unknown punishments. Shu submitted a memorial:
8
太祖開創,跨越前古,施治未遑。 自後數朝,官盛刑濫,民困財殫。 陛下天資仁聖,自昔在潛,聽聖典,訪老成,日講治道。 如邢州、河南、陝西,皆不治之甚者,為置安撫、經略、宣撫三使司。 其法,選人以居職,頒俸以養廉,去污濫以清政,勸農桑以富民。 不及三年,號稱大治。 諸路之民望陛下之拯己,如赤子之求母。 先帝陟遐,國難並興,天開聖人,纘承大統,即用歷代遺制,內立省部,外設監司,自中統至今五六年間,外侮內叛繼繼不絕,然能使官離債負,民安賦役,府庫粗實,倉廩粗完,鈔法粗行,國用粗足,官吏遷轉,政事更新,皆陛下克保祖宗之基、信用先王之法所致。 今創始治道,正宜上答天心,下結民心,睦親族以固本,建儲副以重祚,定大臣以當國,開經筵以格心,修邊備以防虞,蓄糧餉以待歉,立學校以育才,勸農桑以厚生。 是可以光先烈,成帝德,遺子孫,流遠譽。 以陛下才略,行此有餘。 邇者伏聞聰聽日煩,朝廷政令日改月異,如木始栽而復移,屋既架而復毀。 遠近臣民不勝戰懼,惟恐大本一廢,遠業難成,為陛下之後憂,國家之重害。
Taizu founded the dynasty on a scale surpassing all earlier ages, yet had no time to put full governance in place. In the reigns that followed, offices multiplied, punishments ran wild, the people suffered, and the treasury was drained. Your Majesty is benevolent and sage by nature. Even while still heir apparent you studied the classics, sought out seasoned advisers, and discussed governance every day. In badly governed regions such as Xingzhou, Henan, and Shaanxi you established pacification, strategic pacification, and regional pacification commissions. You chose capable men for office, paid salaries to encourage integrity, swept away corruption, and promoted farming and sericulture to enrich the people. Within three years those regions were said to be well governed. The people of every circuit look to Your Majesty to save them as infants look to their mother. After the late emperor's death troubles arose on every side, yet Heaven raised a sage to succeed to the throne. You at once adopted institutions handed down from earlier dynasties, establishing ministries at the center and supervisory commissioners in the provinces. For five or six years since the Zhongtong era, foreign attacks and internal rebellions have not ceased, yet officials are freed from debt, the people bear their taxes, treasuries and granaries are reasonably full, paper money circulates, state revenue is adequate, and government is renewed—all because Your Majesty has preserved the ancestral foundation and trusted the ways of the sage kings. Now, as you begin the work of governance, you should answer Heaven above and win the people's hearts below: reconcile your kin to strengthen the throne, name an heir to secure the succession, appoint steadfast ministers to govern, hold lectures on the classics to refine your mind, strengthen the borders, store grain against famine, establish schools, and promote agriculture to enrich the people. Thus you will honor your forebears, fulfill imperial virtue, secure your descendants, and win lasting renown. Your Majesty's ability is more than sufficient for all of this. Yet lately I hear that Your Majesty is overwhelmed with business and court orders change from day to day, like trees replanted as soon as they are set, or houses torn down as soon as they are framed. Officials and people near and far tremble with fear lest the great foundation be lost and your long-term aims fail—a grave worry for Your Majesty and a heavy blow to the state.
9
帝怒為釋。 十年,拜昭文館大學士,詳定禮儀事。 其年,襄陽下,遂議取宋。 樞奏如求大將,非右丞相安童、知樞密院伯顏不可。 十一年,樞言:「陛下降不殺人之詔。 伯顏濟江,兵不逾時,西起蜀川,東薄海隅,降城三十,戶逾百萬,自古平南,未有如此之神捷者。 今自夏徂秋,一城不降,皆由軍官不思國之大計,不體陛下之深仁,利財剽殺所致。 揚州、焦山、淮安,人殊死戰,我雖克勝,所傷亦多。 宋之不能為國審矣,而臨安未肯輕下,好生惡死,人之常情,蓋不敢也,惟懼吾招徠止殺之信不堅耳。 宜申止殺之詔,使賞罰必立,恩信必行,聖慮不勞,軍力不費矣。」 又請禁宋鞭背、黥面及諸濫刑。 十三年,拜翰林學士承旨。 十七年,卒,年七十八,諡曰文獻。
The emperor's anger subsided. In the tenth year he was made grand academician of the Hall for the Spread of Culture and assigned to revise ritual protocol. That same year Xiangyang fell, and the court began to discuss conquering Song. Shu memorialized that if a great commander were needed, only Right Chancellor Antong and Bayan, director of the Bureau of Military Affairs, would suffice. In the eleventh year Shu said, "Your Majesty has issued an edict forbidding killing. Bayan crossed the Yangzi and within a season swept from Sichuan in the west to the coast in the east. Thirty cities surrendered and more than a million households submitted—never in history had the south been conquered with such speed. Yet from summer to autumn not one city has surrendered, because officers ignore the state's larger interest, disregard Your Majesty's deep humanity, and kill and plunder for profit. At Yangzhou, Jiaoshan, and Huai'an the defenders fought to the last. Though we won, our casualties were heavy. Song can no longer survive as a state, yet Lin'an will not surrender easily. Men naturally cling to life and fear death; they dare not submit because they do not trust our promise to spare them. Reissue the order to halt killing, enforce rewards and punishments, and keep faith with promises—then Your Majesty need not strain yourself and the army need not be wasted." He also asked that Song's flogging, facial tattooing, and other abusive punishments be forbidden. In the thirteenth year he was appointed Hanlin academician recipient of edicts. In the seventeenth year he died at seventy-eight and was given the posthumous title Wenxian.
10
樞天質含弘而仁恕,恭敏而儉勤,未嘗疑人欺己。 有負其德,亦不留怨。 憂患之來,不見言色。 有來即謀,必反復告之。
By nature Shu was magnanimous, benevolent, and forgiving, respectful and diligent, frugal and tireless. He never suspected others of deceiving him. Even those who wronged him found no lasting grudge in his heart. When trouble came, it never showed in his speech or expression. Whoever came to consult him received careful, repeated counsel.
11
子煒,仕為平章政事; 從子燧,官至翰林學士承旨,以文章大家知名,卒諡曰文。
His son Wei rose to grand councillor; his nephew Sui became Hanlin academician recipient of edicts, won fame as a master of prose, and at death received the posthumous title Wen.
12
○許衡
○ Xu Heng
13
許衡,字仲平,懷之河內人也,世為農。 父通,避地河南,以泰和九年九月生衡於新鄭縣。 幼有異質,七歲入學,授章句,問其師曰:「讀書何為?」 師曰:「取科第耳!」 曰:「如斯而已乎?」 師大奇之。 每授書,又能問其旨義。 久之,師謂其父母曰:「兒穎悟不凡,他日必有大過人者,吾非其師也。」 遂辭去,父母強之不能止。 如是者凡更三師。 稍長,嗜學如飢渴,然遭世亂,且貧無書。 嘗從日者家見《書》疏義,因請寓宿,手抄歸。 既逃難徂徠山,始得《易》王輔嗣說。 時兵亂中,衡夜思晝誦,身體而力踐之,言動必揆諸義而後發。 嘗暑中過河陽,渴甚,道有梨,眾爭取噉之,衡獨危坐樹下自若。 或問之,曰:「非其有而取之,不可也。」 人曰:「世亂,此無主。」 曰:「梨無主,吾心獨無主乎?」 轉魯留魏,人見其有德,稍稍從之。 居三年,聞亂且定,乃還懷。 往來河、洛間,從柳城姚樞得伊洛程氏及新安硃氏書,益大有得。 尋居蘇門,與樞及竇默相講習。 凡經傳、子史、禮樂、名物、星曆、兵刑、食貨、水利之類,無所不講,而慨然以道為己任。 嘗語人曰:「綱常不可一日而亡於天下,苟在上者無以任之,則在下之任也。」 凡喪祭娶嫁,必徵於禮,以倡其鄉人,學者浸盛。 家貧躬耕,粟熟則食,粟不熟則食糠核菜茹,處之泰然,謳誦之聲聞戶外如金石。 財有餘,即以分諸族人及諸生之貧者。 人有所遺,一毫弗義,弗受也。 樞嘗被召入京師,以其雪齋居衡,命守者館之,衡拒不受。 庭有果熟爛墮地,童子過之,亦不睨視而去,其家人化之如此。 甲寅,世祖出王秦中,以姚樞為勸農使,教民畊植。 又思所以化秦人,乃召衡為京兆提學。 秦人新脫於兵,欲學無師,聞衡來,人人莫不喜幸來學。 郡縣皆建學校,民大化之。 世祖南征,乃還懷,學者攀留之不得,從送之臨潼而歸。 中統元年,世祖即皇帝位,召至京師。 時王文統以言利進為平章政事,衡、樞輩入侍,言治亂休戚,必以義為本。 文統患之。 且竇默日於帝前排其學術,疑衡與之為表裡,乃奏以樞為太子太師,默為太子太傅,衡為太子太保,陽為尊用之,實不使數侍上也。 默以屢攻文統不中,欲因東宮以避禍,與樞拜命,將入謝。 衡曰:「此不安於義也,姑勿論。 禮,師傅與太子位東西鄉,師傅坐,太子乃坐。 公等度能復此乎? 不能,則師道自我廢也。」 樞以為然,乃相與懷制立殿下,五辭乃免。 改命樞大司農,默翰林侍講學士,衡國子祭酒。 未幾,衡亦謝病歸。 至元二年,帝以安童為右丞相,欲衡輔之,復召至京師,命議事中書省。 衡乃上疏曰:
Xu Heng, whose courtesy name was Zhongping, came from Henei in Huai. His family had been farmers for generations. His father Tong fled south to Henan; in the ninth month of the ninth year of the Taihe reign (1216), Xu Heng was born in Xinzheng County. Even as a child he showed unusual gifts. At seven he began school and was taught the classics clause by clause. He asked his teacher, "What is the purpose of reading?" His teacher replied, "To pass the examinations and win office—that's all." Is that all?" he asked. The teacher was astonished. Whenever he was taught a text, he would also question its deeper meaning. Before long the teacher told his parents, "Your son is exceptionally bright. One day he will far surpass ordinary men. I am not qualified to be his teacher." He resigned anyway; his parents tried to keep him but could not. In all he went through three teachers in this fashion. As he grew older he hungered for learning, but the times were chaotic and he was too poor to own books. Once at a diviner's home he came upon a commentary on the Book of Documents. He asked to stay the night and copied the text by hand to take home. After fleeing to Mount Culai he obtained Wang Bi's commentary on the Book of Changes. Amid the wars Heng studied by night and recited by day, striving to live what he learned. He never spoke or acted without first weighing it against moral principle. Once in midsummer, passing through Heyang desperately thirsty, he found pears by the road. Everyone snatched them up to eat, but Heng alone sat calmly under a tree, unmoved. When asked why, he said, "One must not take what does not belong to oneself." Someone said, "These are troubled times—the pears have no owner." The pears may have no owner," he replied, "but does my heart have no master?" He moved to Lu and settled in Wei. Seeing his character, people gradually gathered around him. After three years, hearing that peace was returning, he went back to Huai prefecture. Traveling between the Yellow and Luo rivers, he obtained from Yao Shu of Liucheng the works of the Cheng brothers of Luoyang and the Zhu family of Xin'an, and made great progress. He soon settled at Sumen, where he studied together with Yao Shu and Dou Mo. He lectured on everything from the classics, histories, rites, music, nomenclature, astronomy, military law, finance, and irrigation to water control, and resolutely took the Way as his personal mission. He once told others, "The moral order cannot vanish from the world even for a day. If those in power will not uphold it, then those below must bear the responsibility." For every funeral, sacrifice, marriage, or betrothal he observed the rites strictly and set an example for his neighbors, and the number of his students steadily grew. Though poor he farmed his own land. In good years he ate grain; in bad years he ate chaff, pits, and wild greens—all with equanimity. The sound of his chanting drifted outside his door clear as bell and chime. Whenever he had money to spare, he gave it to needy clansmen and impoverished students. He refused every gift that was not strictly righteous—not a single cash would he take. When Yao Shu was summoned to the capital, he offered Heng his Snow Studio and told the caretaker to host him, but Heng refused. When fruit ripened and fell rotting in the courtyard, children passing by never even glanced at it. His whole household had been transformed to this degree. In the jiayin year (1254), Kublai went to govern Qinzhong. He made Yao Shu commissioner for encouraging agriculture and charged him with teaching the people to farm. Seeking also to civilize the people of Qin, he summoned Xu Heng as metropolitan commissioner for the promotion of learning. The people of Qin had only recently emerged from war. They wanted to learn but had no teachers. When word came that Xu Heng was coming, everyone rejoiced and flocked to study with him. Schools were established in every commandery and county, and the people were greatly transformed. When Kublai marched south on campaign, Heng returned to Huai. Students tried to detain him but could not; they followed him as far as Lintong and then went home. In the first year of Zhongtong (1260), when Kublai took the throne, Xu Heng was summoned to the capital. Wang Wentshi had risen to grand councillor by advocating profit. Xu Heng, Yao Shu, and their circle attended the court and, whenever they spoke of governance or the state's fortunes, always placed moral principle first. Wentshi resented this. Dou Mo also criticized Wentshi's scholarship daily before the emperor. Suspecting collusion between Heng and Mo, Wentshi memorialized the throne to appoint Yao Shu grand preceptor, Dou Mo grand tutor, and Xu Heng grand protector of the heir apparent—ostensibly honoring them, but in fact keeping them from frequent access to the emperor. Dou Mo, having failed repeatedly to bring down Wentshi, hoped the Eastern Palace appointment would offer refuge from trouble. He and Yao Shu accepted the posts and were about to enter court to give thanks. Xu Heng said, "Setting that aside as a matter of principle, consider this: By ritual, tutors sit facing the heir across the hall, and only after they are seated may the heir take his seat. Can you truly restore that practice? If not, we ourselves will be the ones to destroy the teacher's proper station." Yao Shu agreed. Together they stood below the hall holding their credentials and declined five times before they were excused. They were reassigned instead: Yao Shu as grand minister of agriculture, Dou Mo as Hanlin lecturing academician, and Xu Heng as director of the National University. Before long Xu Heng also resigned on grounds of illness and went home. In the second year of Zhiyuan (1265), the emperor appointed Antong right grand councillor and wanted Xu Heng to assist him. Heng was summoned again to the capital and ordered to take part in Secretariat deliberations. Xu Heng thereupon submitted a memorial:
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臣性識愚陋,學術荒疏,不意虛名,偶塵聖聽。 陛下好賢樂善,舍短取長,雖以臣之不才,自甲寅至今十有三年,凡八被詔旨,中懷自念,何以報塞。 又日者面奉德音,叮嚀懇至,中書大務,容臣盡言。 臣雖昏愚,荷陛下知待如此其厚,敢不罄竭所有,裨益萬分。 孟子以「責難於君謂之恭,陳善閉邪謂之敬」; 孔子謂「以道事君,不可則止」。 臣之所守,大意蓋如此也。 伏望陛下寬其不佞,察其至懷,則區區之愚,亦或有小補云。
"Your servant's nature is dull and my learning shallow. I never expected such empty renown, yet by chance my name has reached Your Majesty's ears." "Your Majesty loves the worthy and delights in virtue, setting aside faults and drawing on strengths. Though I am without talent, from the jiayin year until now—thirteen years—I have received eight imperial summonses. I ask myself constantly how I can ever repay such grace." "Recently in audience Your Majesty spoke with earnest concern and allowed me to speak freely on the great affairs of the Secretariat." "Though I am dull-witted, I have received such generous trust from Your Majesty. How dare I not give all I have, however small the benefit?" "Mencius said that to hold one's ruler to high standards is respect, and to offer good counsel while blocking what is corrupt is reverence;" "Confucius said that to serve one's ruler by the Way, and to withdraw when that proves impossible." "That, in broad outline, is the principle by which I mean to conduct myself." "I beg Your Majesty to forgive my lack of wit and discern my sincere intent; then this humble counsel may perhaps prove of some small use."
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其一曰:自古立國,皆有規模。 循而行之,則治功可期。 否則心疑目眩,變易分更,未見其可也。 昔子產相衰周之列國,孔明治西蜀之一隅,且有定論,終身由之; 而堂堂天下,可無一定之說而妄為之哉? 考之前代,北方之有中夏者,必行漢法乃可長久。 故後魏、遼、金歷年最多,他不能者,皆亂亡相繼,史冊具載,昭然可考。 使國家而居朔漠,則無事論此也。 今日之治,非此奚宜? 夫陸行宜車,水行宜舟,反之則不能行; 幽燕食寒,蜀漢食熱,反之則必有變。 以是論之,國家之當行漢法無疑也。 然萬世國俗,累朝勳舊,一旦驅之下從臣僕之謀,改就亡國之俗,其勢有甚難者。 竊嘗思之,寒之與暑,固為不同。 然寒之變暑也,始於微溫,溫而熱,熱而暑,積百有八十二日而寒始盡。 暑之變寒,其勢亦然,是亦積之之驗也。 苟能漸之摩之,待以歲月,心堅而確,事易而常,未有不可變者。 此在陛下尊信而堅守之,不雜小人,不責近效,不恤流言,則致治之功,庶幾可成矣。
"First: every state founded since antiquity has had its institutional framework." "Follow it consistently, and good governance can be achieved." "Otherwise the ruler grows uncertain, policy shifts constantly, and success becomes impossible." "Even Zichan, minister to the waning Zhou states, and Kongming, who governed only a corner of western Shu, held to fixed principles for life;" "how much more so for a great empire—can we act without a settled policy?" "History shows that every northern dynasty that ruled the Central Plains endured only by adopting Han institutions." "The Northern Wei, Liao, and Jin lasted longest for this reason; those that did not follow this path fell one after another—the histories record it plainly." "Had the dynasty remained on the northern steppe, this question would not arise." "But for governing today, what course is more fitting?" "On land one travels by cart; on water by boat—reverse that and you cannot move." "In the cold north one eats warming foods; in hot Shu one eats cooling foods—do the reverse and illness follows." "By the same logic, there can be no doubt that the dynasty ought to adopt Han law." "Yet the Mongols have their ancient customs, and families meritorious under successive reigns cannot overnight be forced, at the urging of servile advisors, to adopt the customs of doomed states. The difficulty is immense." "I have often reflected: cold and heat are certainly different." "Yet cold turns to heat only gradually—from slight warmth to warmth, then heat, then sweltering summer—a hundred and eighty-two days before winter's chill is fully gone." "The change from heat back to cold follows the same pattern—proof that transformation requires accumulation over time." "If change comes gradually, patiently, over years—with steadfast purpose and steady application—nothing is ultimately unchangeable." "This requires Your Majesty to honor the policy, hold firm, keep petty men at a distance, demand no instant results, and pay no heed to gossip—then the work of bringing order may succeed."
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二曰:中書之務不勝其煩,然其大要在用人、立法二者而已矣。 近而譬之:發之在首,不以手理而以櫛理; 食之在器,不以手取而以匕取。 手雖不能,而用櫛與匕,是即手之為也。 上之用人,何以異此。 然人之賢否,未知其詳,固不可得而遽用也。 然或已知其孰為君子,孰為小人,而復患得患失,莫敢進退,徒曰知人,而實不能用人,亦何益哉! 人莫不飲食也,獨膳夫為能調五味之和; 莫不睹日月也,獨星官為能步虧食之數者,誠以得其法故也。 古人有言曰:「為高必因丘陵,為下必因川澤,為政必因先王之道。」 今里巷之談,動以古為詬戲,不知今日口之所食,身之所衣,皆古人遺法而不可違者,豈天下之大,國家之重,而古之成法反可違邪? 其亦弗思甚矣! 夫治人者法也,守法者人也。 人法相維,上安下順,而宰執優游於廊廟之上,不煩不勞,此所謂省也。 夫立法用人,今雖未能遽如古昔,然已仕者當給俸以養其廉,未仕者當寬立條格,俾就敘用,則失職之怨少可舒矣。 外設監司以察污濫,內專吏部以定資歷,則非分之求漸可息矣。 再任三任,抑高舉下,則人才爵位略可平矣。 至於貴家之世襲,品官之任子,版籍之數,續當議之,亦不可緩也。
"Second: the Secretariat's business is endlessly complex, but its essentials are only two: selecting personnel and establishing law." "To put it plainly: hair on the head is combed not with the fingers but with a comb;" "food in a bowl is eaten not with the hand but with a spoon." "The hand alone cannot manage these tasks; yet through comb and spoon it still achieves its purpose." "So too in employing men—what difference is there?" "One cannot know at once who is worthy and who is not, so hasty appointment is impossible." "Yet even when one knows who is honorable and who is base, to waver in fear of gain and loss, daring neither to promote nor dismiss, is to claim knowledge of men while in fact refusing to use them—of what use is that?" "Everyone eats, but only a cook can blend the five flavors;" "everyone sees the sun and moon, but only an astronomer can calculate eclipses—because he possesses the proper method." "The ancients said: 'To build high one must start from hills; to dig deep one must follow rivers; to govern one must follow the way of the former kings.'" Yet street talk mocks the ancients, forgetting that the food we eat and clothes we wear are all methods handed down from antiquity and cannot be disregarded. Can the laws that govern an empire be treated with less respect?" "That is blindness indeed!" "Law governs men; men uphold law." "When men and law support each other, superiors are secure and subordinates obedient, and ministers govern at ease from the palace halls without strain or exhaustion—that is true efficiency." "Though we cannot immediately restore ancient practice in legislation and appointments, officials in post should receive salaries sufficient to sustain their integrity, and standards should be broadened so that the unemployed may enter service in orderly fashion—thus easing resentment among those passed over." "Establish external inspectors to curb corruption, and concentrate authority in the Ministry of Personnel to fix ranks and seniority—then improper demands will gradually cease." "Limit consecutive terms, restrain the over-promoted and elevate the deserving—then talent and rank may come into rough balance." "Questions of hereditary privilege among noble families, sons succeeding fathers in office, and registry rolls all remain to be addressed—and cannot be postponed."
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其三曰:民生有欲,無主乃亂,上天眷命,作之君師,此蓋以至難任之,非予之可安之地而娛之也。 是以堯、舜以來,聖帝明王,莫不兢兢業業、小心畏慎者,誠知天之所畀至難之任,初不可以易心處之也。 知其為難而以難處,則難或可為; 不知為難而以易處,則他日之難有不可為者矣。 孔子曰:「為君難,為臣不易。」 為臣之道,臣已告之安童矣。 至為君之難,尤陛下所當專意也。 臣請言其切而要者:
"Third: the people have desires; without a ruler chaos ensues. Heaven in its grace appoints rulers and teachers to bear the hardest charge—not a post for ease and amusement." "From Yao and Shun onward, every sage ruler has been cautious and reverent, knowing that Heaven's charge is supremely difficult and cannot be treated lightly." "Recognize the difficulty and meet it as difficulty, and the difficult may yet be done;" "treat it lightly, and future difficulties will prove impossible." "Confucius said, 'To be a ruler is hard; to be a minister is no easy matter.'" I have already explained the minister's duty to Antong." "But the difficulty of ruling is what Your Majesty above all must keep in mind." "Permit me to speak of what is most urgent and essential:"
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夫人君不患出言之難,而患踐言之難。 知踐言之難,則其出言不容不慎矣。 昔劉安世行一不妄語,七年而後成。 夫安世一士人也,所交者一家之親、一鄉之眾也,同列之臣不過數十百人而止耳,而言猶若此,況天下之大,兆民之眾,事有萬變,日有萬機,人君以一身一心而酬酢之,欲言之無失,豈易能哉? 故有昔之所言而今日忘之者,今之所命而後日自違者,可否異同,紛更變易,紀綱不得布,法度不得立,臣下無所持循,奸人因以為弊,天下之人疑惑驚眩,且議其無法無信一至於此也。 此無他,至難之地不以難處,而以易處故也。 苟從《大學》之道,以修身為本,凡一言一動,必求其然與其所當然,不牽於愛,不蔽於憎,不因於喜,不激於怒,虛心端意,熟思而審處之,雖有不中者蓋鮮矣。 奈何為人上者多樂舒肆,為人臣者多事容悅。 容悅本為私也,私心盛則不畏人矣; 舒肆本為欲也,欲心盛則不畏天矣。 以不畏天之心,與不畏人之心,感合無間,則其所務者皆快心事耳。 快心則口慾言而言,身欲動而動,又安肯兢兢業業,以修身為本,一言一動,熟思而審處之乎? 此人君踐言之難,而又難於天下之人也。
A ruler's worry is not speaking rightly but doing what he has said. Once one knows how hard it is to keep one's word, one cannot speak carelessly. Liu Anshi once vowed never to speak rashly; seven years passed before he mastered that single discipline. Anshi was only a private gentleman, mingling with one family's kin and one village's neighbors, answering to a few dozen colleagues at most—yet even for him speech was so hard. How much harder for a ruler who must answer, alone, to an empire of millions, with affairs shifting daily in endless variety? To speak without ever missing the mark is scarcely possible. Hence words forgotten overnight, orders contradicted the next day, policies reversed and reversed again: the state's framework cannot hold, law cannot take root, and ministers have no fixed rule to follow. Crafty men exploit the chaos, while the people stagger in confusion and conclude that the throne has lost both law and trust. The reason is simple: one faces the hardest duties with too easy a mind. Follow the Great Learning: make self-cultivation the root. Let every word and deed seek what is true and what is right—not swayed by love or hate, joy or anger. With an open mind and steady purpose, think long and judge carefully, and error will be rare. Yet rulers too often indulge themselves, while ministers too often trade in flattery. Flattery springs from private interest; when self-interest flourishes, one no longer fears others. Indulgence springs from appetite; when appetite flourishes, one no longer fears Heaven. Heaven-fearing and people-fearing gone, heart and habit merge, and all that is pursued becomes mere self-indulgence. When pleasure leads, the mouth speaks as it wishes and the body moves as it wishes. Who then will be careful, root every act in self-cultivation, and weigh each word before it is uttered? This is why a ruler's words are so hard to honor—and why the whole realm suffers when they are not.
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人之情偽,有易有險,險者難知,易者易知,此特系夫人之險易者然也。 然又有眾寡之分焉。 寡則易知,眾則難知,故在上者難於知下,而在下者易於知上,其勢然也。 處難知之地,禦難知之人,欲其不見欺也難矣。 昔包拯剛嚴峭直,號為明察,然一小吏而能欺之。 然拯一京尹耳,其見欺於人,不過誤一事、害一人而已。 人君處億兆之上,操予奪進退賞罰生殺之權,不幸見欺,則以非為是,以是為非,其害有不可勝既也。 人君惟無喜怒也,有喜怒,則贊其喜以市恩,鼓其怒以張勢。 人君惟無愛憎也,有愛憎,則假其愛以濟私,藉其憎以復怨。 甚至本無喜也,誑之使喜,本無怒也,激之使怒,本不足愛也,而誑譽之使愛,本無可憎也,而強短之使憎。 若是,則進者未必為君子,退者未必為小人,予者未必為有功,奪者未必為有罪,以至賞之、罰之、生之、殺之,鮮有得其正者。 人君不悟其受欺也,而反任之以防天下之欺,欺而至此,尚可防邪? 大抵人君以知人為貴,以用人為急。 用得其人,則無事於防矣。 既不出此,則所近者爭進之人耳,好利之人耳,無恥之人耳。 彼挾其詐術,千蹊萬徑,以蠱君心,欲防其欺,雖堯、舜不能也。
People may be sincere or deceitful, easy to read or hard; that alone depends on the person—but there is more. There is also the question of numbers. The few are easier to know than the many; hence those above struggle to know those below, while those below easily know those above. Such is the balance of power. To stand where knowledge is hard and face men who are hard to read—how can one hope never to be deceived? Bao Zheng was famous for stern probity and keen insight—yet a lowly clerk still fooled him once. Bao Zheng was only the capital prefect; when deceived, at worst one case went wrong and one person suffered. A ruler stands above millions, holding life, death, reward, and ruin in his hand. If he is deceived, falsehood passes for truth and truth for falsehood—and the harm is beyond measure. A ruler must show neither joy nor anger; where joy and anger appear, men will inflame his pleasure to win favor and his wrath to build power. He must harbor neither favor nor dislike; favor invites private uses of his love, dislike invites revenge through his hatred. Men will feign grounds for joy where there was none, provoke anger where none existed, praise the unworthy into favor, and invent faults to breed hatred. Then promotion need not mean virtue, dismissal need not mean vice, reward need not mark merit, and punishment need not mark guilt. Life and death, reward and ruin—rarely fall where they should. Blind to his own deception, he yet relies on deceivers to guard against fraud. When fraud has gone this far, what is left to guard? In general, a ruler's chief treasure is knowing men and his most urgent task is using them well. Employ the right men, and guarding becomes unnecessary. Fail at that, and those who surround the throne are climbers, profiteers, and men without shame. Armed with every trick and bypath, they beguile the ruler's mind. To block such deception—even Yao and Shun would fail.
20
夫賢者以公為心,以愛為心,不為利回,不為勢屈,置之周行,則庶事得其正,天下被其澤,其於人國,重固如此也。 夫賢者遭時不偶,務自韜晦,世固未易知也。 雖或知之,而無所援引,則人君無由知也。 人君知之,然召之命之,泛如廝養,賢者有不屑也。 雖或接之以貌,待之以禮,然而言不見用,賢者不處也。 或用其言也,而復使小人參之,責小利,期近效,有用賢之名,無用賢之實,賢者亦豈肯屍位素餐以取譏於天下哉! 此特難進者也,而又有難合者焉。 人君處崇高之地,大抵樂聞人過,而不樂於聞己之過,務快己之心,而不務快民之心。 賢者必欲匡而正之,扶而安之,如堯、舜之正、堯、舜之安而後已,故其勢恆難合。 況夫奸邪佞幸,醜正而惡直,肆為詆毀,多方以陷之,將見罪戾之不免,又可望其庶事得其正,而天下被其澤邪! 自古及今,端人雅士所以重於進而輕於退者,蓋以此耳。 大禹聖人,聞善即拜,益猶戒之以「任賢勿貳,去邪勿疑」,後世人主宜如何也? 此任賢之難也。
The worthy serve the public good, not private gain; they bow neither to profit nor to power. Placed among the chief ministers, they set every affair straight and shower the realm with benefit. Their weight to the state is exactly this. The worthy, when fortune fails them, hide their light; the world does not easily recognize them. Even when someone knows them, without a patron to bring them forward the ruler never will. Even when the ruler knows them, a summons handled like a call to the stables will make the worthy refuse to come. Courtesy without heeding their counsel will not keep the worthy in service. Or their counsel is taken but petty men share the task, small gains are demanded, quick results expected—the name of employing worthies without the reality. Would the worthy hold a hollow post and invite the world's scorn? These are men hard to bring forward—and there are also men hard to work with. A ruler in high place loves to hear others' faults but not his own, seeks his own pleasure rather than the people's contentment. The worthy must set things right and secure the realm, as Yao and Shun did, and will not stop short of that—so harmony with the throne is always hard. When sycophants hate the upright and invent charges to destroy them, guilt follows—and how then can affairs be set right or the realm blessed? From antiquity to the present, upright scholars have prized withdrawal over advancement—for this very reason. Great Yu, a sage, bowed at the mere report of good counsel—yet Yi still warned him, "Employ the worthy without wavering; remove the wicked without doubt." What should later rulers do? Such is the difficulty of employing the worthy.
21
奸邪之人,其為心也險,其用術也巧。 惟險也,故千態萬狀而人莫能知; 惟巧也,故千蹊萬徑而人莫能禦。 其諂似恭,其訐似直,其欺似可信,其佞似可近。 務以窺人君之喜怒而迎合之,竊其勢以立己之威,濟其欲以結主之愛。 愛隆於上,威擅於下,大臣不敢議,近親不敢言,毒被天下而上莫之知,至是而求去之,亦已難矣。 雖然,此特人主之不悟者也,猶有說焉。 如宇文士及之佞,太宗灼見其情而不能斥; 李林甫妒賢嫉能,明皇洞見其奸而不能退。 邪之惑人,有如此者,可不畏哉!
Treacherous men have perilous hearts and crafty methods. Their perilous nature takes a thousand forms, beyond anyone's reading; their craft opens a thousand paths, beyond anyone's defense. Flattery that looks like respect, accusation that looks like honesty, deceit that looks trustworthy, sycophancy that looks approachable. They watch the ruler's moods and pander to them, borrow his power to build their own, and feed his desires to win his favor. Favor at court, power in their hands, ministers silent and kin afraid—the poison spreads while the ruler knows nothing. By then removal is nearly impossible. Even this may be excused as the blindness of an unwary ruler. Yuwen Shiji's flattery was plain to Emperor Taizong, yet he could not dismiss him; Li Linfu envied talent; Emperor Xuanzong saw his treachery yet could not remove him. Evil can beguile men to this degree—should it not inspire dread?
22
夫上以誠愛下,則下以忠報上,感應之理然也。 然考之往昔,有不可以常情論者。 禹抑洪水以救民,啟又能敬承繼禹之道,其澤深矣,然一傳而太康失道,則萬姓仇怨而去者,何邪? 漢高帝起布衣,天下影從,滎陽之難,紀信至捐生以赴急,則人心之歸可見矣。 及天下己定,而沙中有謀反者,又何邪? 竊嘗思之,民之戴君,本於天命,初無不順之心,特由使之失望,使之不平,然後怨怒生焉。 禹、啟愛民如赤子,而太康逸豫以滅德,是以失望; 漢高以寬仁得天下,及其已定,乃以愛憎行誅賞,是以不平。 古今人君,凡有恩澤於民,而民怨且怒者,皆類此也。 夫人君有位之初,既出美言而告天下矣,既而實不能副,故怨生焉。 等人臣耳,無大相遠,人君特以己之私而厚一人,則其薄者已疾之矣,況於薄有功而厚有罪,人得不怒於心邪? 必如古者《大學》之道,以修身為本,一言一動,舉可以為天下之法,一賞一罰,舉可以合天下之公,則億兆之心,將不求而自得,又豈有失望不平之累哉!
When rulers love their people sincerely, the people repay with loyalty—that is the natural order of response. Yet history shows cases that ordinary reasoning cannot explain. Yu tamed the floods to save the people; Qi reverently carried on his Way. Their grace ran deep—yet one generation later Taikang lost the Way and the people turned away in hatred. Why? Emperor Gaozu rose from commoner ranks; the realm followed him. At the crisis of Xingyang, Ji Xin gave his life for the cause—the depth of popular loyalty was plain. Yet once the realm was settled, rebels still rose from the deserts. Why? I have reflected on this: the people support their ruler by Heaven's mandate and begin without disloyalty. Resentment arises only when hope is betrayed and justice denied. Yu and Qi loved the people as their own children; Taikang indulged himself and lost virtue—hence the people's disappointment. Gaozu won the realm through leniency and grace; once secure, he punished and rewarded by personal favor and spite—hence the people's sense of injustice. Rulers ancient and modern who had once blessed the people yet earned their anger have all followed this pattern. At the start of a reign, fine promises are proclaimed to the realm; when reality falls short, resentment follows. Ministers differ little among themselves; favor one by private whim and the rest already resent it. Reward the guilty and slight the meritorious—who would not rage inwardly? Follow the Great Learning: root every word and deed in self-cultivation, let every act be a model for the realm and every reward and punishment serve the public good—then the hearts of millions will come unbidden, and disappointment and injustice will vanish.
23
三代而下,稱盛治者,無如漢之文、景,然考之當時,天象數變,山崩地震,未易遽數,是將小則有水旱之災,大則有亂亡之應,非徒然而已也。 而文、景克承天心,一以養民為務,今年勸農桑,明年減田租,懇愛如此,宜其民心得而和氣應也。 臣竊見前年秋孛出西方,彗出東方,去年冬彗見東方,復見西方。 議者謂當除舊佈新,以應天變。 臣以為曷若直法文、景之恭儉愛民,為理明義正而可信也。 天之樹君,本為下民。 故孟子謂「民為重,君為輕」,《書》亦曰「天視自我民視,天聽自我民聽」。 以是論之,則天之道恆在於下,恆在於不足也。 君人者,不求之下而求之高,不求之不足而求之有餘,斯其所以召天變也。 其變已生,其像已著,乖戾之幾已萌,猶且因仍故習,抑其下而損其不足,謂之順天,不亦難乎?
Since the Three Dynasties, no reign has been praised as well governed as those of Emperors Wen and Jing—yet even then the heavens shifted, mountains fell, and the earth shook without end, foretelling drought and flood at least and chaos and ruin at worst. Such signs are never idle. Yet Wen and Jing answered Heaven's will by making the people's welfare their sole concern—encouraging farming one year, cutting land tax the next. With such earnest care, hearts were won and harmony restored. I note that two autumns ago a broom star rose in the west and a comet in the east; last winter comets appeared in the east and again in the west. Counselors say the court should sweep out the old and usher in the new to answer Heaven's warnings. I believe it would be better to follow Wen and Jing in reverent thrift and love of the people—governing with clear principle and upright justice that men can trust. Heaven sets up rulers for the sake of the people. Mencius said, "The people are paramount, the ruler is secondary." The Documents says, "Heaven sees through the people's eyes and hears through the people's ears." By this reckoning, Heaven's Way always sides with those below and with what is lacking. A ruler who looks upward rather than downward, to abundance rather than need—that is what summons Heaven's warnings. When signs have already appeared and perversity has taken root, yet the court clings to old ways, presses the lowly and strips the needy, and calls it obeying Heaven—is that not folly?
24
此六者,皆難之目也。 舉其要,則修德、用賢、愛民三者而已。 此謂治本。 本立,則紀綱可布,法度可行,治功可必。 否則愛惡相攻,善惡交病,生民不免於水火,以是為治,萬不能也。
These six are the headings of difficulty. In essence, there are only three: cultivate virtue, employ the worthy, and love the people. This is treating the root cause. Once the root is set, order can be established, law enforced, and good governance assured. Otherwise favor and spite war with each other, good and evil both suffer, and the people cannot escape ruin. Governance on such terms is impossible.
25
其四曰:語古之聖君,必曰堯、舜; 語古之賢相,必曰稷、契。 蓋堯、舜能知天道而順承之,稷、契又知堯、舜之心而輔讚之,此所以為法於天下,可傳於後世也。 夫天道好生而不私,堯與舜亦好生而不私。 若「克明俊德」,至於「黎民於變」,「敬授人時」,至於「庶績咸熙」,此順承天道之實也。 稷播百穀以厚民生,契敷五教以善民心,此輔贊堯、舜之實也。 臣嘗复熟推衍,思之又思,參之往古聖賢之言無不同,驗之歷代治亂之跡無不合。 蓋此道之行,民可使富,兵可使強,人才可使盛,國勢可使重,夙夜念之至熟也。 今國家徒知斂財之巧,而不知生財之由; 徒知防人之欺,而不欲養人之善; 徒患法令之難行,而不患法令無可行之地。 誠能優重農民,勿擾勿害,驅遊惰之人而歸之南畝,課之種藝,懇喻而督行之,十年之後,倉府之積,當非今日之比矣。 自都邑而至州縣,皆設學校,使皇子以下至於庶人之子弟,皆入於學,以明父子君臣之大倫,自灑掃應對以至平天下之要道,十年已後,上知所以御下,下知所以事上,上下和睦,又非今日之比矣。 二者之行,萬目斯舉,否則他皆不可期也。 是道也,堯、舜之道也。 孟子曰:「我非堯、舜之道,不敢以陳於王前。」 臣愚區區,竊亦願學也。
Fourth: when one speaks of sage rulers of old, one names Yao and Shun; when one speaks of worthy ministers, one names Ji and Qi. Yao and Shun knew Heaven's Way and followed it; Ji and Qi knew their rulers' hearts and supported them. That is why they became models for the realm and examples for posterity. Heaven's Way cherishes life without partiality; Yao and Shun cherished life without partiality. From "making illustrious his lofty virtue" to "the people transformed," from "respectfully conferring the seasons" to "all tasks flourishing"—that is what it means to follow Heaven's Way. Ji sowed the hundred grains to nourish the people; Qi spread the five teachings to improve their hearts—that is what it means to support Yao and Shun. I have pondered this again and again: it matches the words of every sage of old and the record of every age's rise and fall. When this Way is followed, the people grow rich, armies grow strong, talent flourishes, and the state's weight increases—I have thought on this day and night. Today the state knows only tricks for extracting revenue, not the roots of creating wealth; knows only how to guard against fraud, not how to cultivate virtue; worries only that laws are hard to enforce, not that there is no ground on which law can take hold. Truly honor farmers, leave them undisturbed, drive the idle back to the fields, assign planting and cultivation, and earnestly supervise—in ten years the granaries would bear no comparison to today. Establish schools from the capital to every county, so that princes and commoners' sons alike may study the great relations of family and state—from daily conduct to the art of governing the realm. In ten years rulers will know how to lead and subjects how to serve, and harmony above and below will surpass anything seen today. Carry out these two measures and all else may follow; without them, nothing else can be hoped for. This is the Way of Yao and Shun. Mencius said, "I dare not set before the king any counsel that is not the Way of Yao and Shun." I am small and humble, but I too wish to learn this Way."
26
其五曰:天下所以定者,民志定,則士安於士,農安於農,工商安於為工商,則在上之人有可安之理矣。 夫民不安於白屋,必求祿仕; 仕不安於卑位,必求尊榮。 四方萬里,輻輳並進,各懷無厭無恥之心,在上之人可不為寒心哉! 臣聞取天下者尚勇敢,守天下者尚退讓。 取也守也,各有其宜,君人者不可不審也。 夫審而後發,發無不中,否則觸事而遽喜怒,喜怒之色見於貌,言出於口,人皆知之。 徐考其故,知其無可喜者則必悔其喜之失,無可怒者則必悔其怒之失,甚至先喜而後怒,先怒而後喜,號令數變,喜怒不節之故也。 是以先王潛心恭默,不易喜怒,其未發也,雖至近莫能知其發也,雖至親莫能移,是以號令簡而無悔,則無不中節矣。 夫數變,不可也; 數失信,尤不可也。 周幽無道,故不恤此,今無此,何苦使人之不信也。
Fifth: the realm is settled when the people's will is settled. Let scholars rest in scholarship, farmers in farming, artisans and merchants in their trades—then those above may also rest secure. When commoners cannot rest content in humble homes, they seek office and salary; when officials cannot rest in low rank, they seek honor and glory. From every corner of the realm they press forward together, each with insatiable and shameless ambition—should those above not shudder? I have heard that conquering the realm calls for boldness, but holding it calls for restraint. Conquest and governance each have their proper season; a ruler must discern which applies when. Deliberate first, and every act hits its mark; fail to do so, and joy or anger flares at the first provocation—everyone reads it on your face and hears it in your words. Only afterward do you see there was nothing to celebrate and regret your elation, or nothing to condemn and regret your fury—joy turns to wrath, wrath to joy, commands shift with your mood. Such is the cost of an undisciplined heart. The ancient kings kept their hearts inward and still, seldom showing pleasure or displeasure. Before they acted, even those closest could not guess what they would do, nor could the dearest move them from their resolve. Their commands were few and never regretted, and always struck the proper measure. Constant change—this cannot be tolerated; and repeated breaches of trust—least of all. King You of Zhou had lost the Way and cared nothing for such things—but Your Majesty is not he. Why give your subjects cause to doubt you?
27
書奏,帝嘉納之。 衡自見帝,多奏陳,及退,皆削其草,故其言多秘,世罕得聞,所傳者特此耳。 衡多病,帝聽五日一至省,時賜尚方名藥美酒以調養之。 四年,乃聽其歸懷。 五年,復召還,奏對亦秘。 六年,命與太常卿徐世隆定朝儀,儀成,帝臨觀,甚悅。 又詔與太保劉秉忠、左丞張文謙定官制,衡歷考古今分並統屬之序,去其權攝增置冗長側置者,凡省部、院台、郡縣與夫后妃、儲籓、百司所聯屬統制,定為圖。 七年,奏上之。 翌日,使集公卿雜議中書、院台行移之體,衡曰:「中書佐天子總國政,院台宜具呈。」 時商挺在樞密,高鳴在台,皆不樂,欲定為諮禀,因大言以動衡曰:「台院皆宗親大臣,若一忤,禍不可測。」 衡曰:「吾論國製耳,何與於人?」 遂以其言質帝前,帝曰:「衡言是也,吾意亦若是。」
When the memorial was submitted, the Emperor praised it and took its counsel to heart. Whenever Heng had audience with the Emperor he submitted many memorials, but on leaving he always destroyed the drafts. Most of his counsel remained secret; the world rarely heard it, and only this much has been preserved. Heng suffered frequent illness. The Emperor permitted him to attend court every five days and sent him choice medicines and wine from the imperial dispensary. In the fourth year, he was at last permitted to return home to Huai Prefecture. The following year he was recalled to court; his responses there, too, went unrecorded. In the sixth year he was charged, with Director Xu Shilong of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, to establish court ritual. When the rites were complete the Emperor observed them in person and was greatly pleased. He was also instructed, with Grand Preceptor Liu Bingzhong and Left Director Zhang Wenqian, to design the bureaucracy. Heng mapped how offices had been divided, merged, and subordinated through history, stripped away provisional powers and redundant posts, and set out in charts the lines of authority among ministries, academies, the Censorate, prefectures and counties, the imperial household, and every branch of government. The seventh year it was submitted to the throne. The next day he was directed to gather the senior officials to debate how the Secretariat, the Academies, and the Censorate should exchange documents. Heng said, "The Secretariat assists the Son of Heaven in governing the realm; the Academies and Censorate should submit memorials for his review. Shang Ting sat on the Privy Council and Gao Ming in the Censorate; both were displeased and wanted all communications routed through consultation and submission. They tried to intimidate Heng: "The Censorate and Academies are staffed by imperial kin and great ministers. Offend one of them and the consequences are incalculable. Heng replied, "I speak of the national order. What has that to do with anyone's personal standing? He put the question directly to the Emperor, who said, "Heng is right. That is my view as well."
28
未幾,阿合馬為中書平章政事,領尚書省六部事,因擅權,勢傾朝野,一時大臣多阿之,衡每與之議,必正言不少讓。 已而其子又有僉樞密院之命,衡獨執議曰:「國家事權,兵民財三者而已。 今其父典民與財,子又典兵,不可。」 帝曰:「卿慮其反邪?」 衡對曰:「彼雖不反,此反道也。」 阿合馬由是銜之,亟薦衡宜在中書,欲因以事中之。 俄除左丞,衡屢入辭免,帝命左右掖衡出。 衡出及閾,還奏曰:「陛下命臣出,豈出省邪?」 帝笑曰:「出殿門耳。」 從幸上京,乃論列阿合馬專權罔上、蠹政害民若干事,不報。 因謝病請解機務。 帝惻然,召其子師可入,諭旨,且命舉自代者。 衡奏曰:「用人,天子之大柄也。 臣下泛論其賢否則可,若授之以位,則當斷自宸衷,不可使臣下有市恩之漸也。」
Before long Ahmad became co-director of the Secretariat and assumed control of the Six Ministries. His power overshadowed the court; most senior officials flattered him. Heng alone argued with him forthrightly and never yielded. Soon afterward the Emperor appointed Ahmad's son vice-director of the Privy Council. Heng alone objected: "State power rests on three pillars—arms, people, and revenue. The father already controls the people and the treasury, and now the son would control the army. This cannot stand. The Emperor said, "Do you fear he will rebel? Heng replied, "He may never rebel, but this is the path to rebellion. Ahmad nursed a grudge and promptly recommended Heng for a post in the Secretariat, hoping to trap him in some official misstep. Soon Heng was appointed left director. He repeatedly petitioned to decline, until the Emperor ordered attendants to usher him from the hall. Heng reached the threshold, then turned back and said, "Your Majesty ordered me out—do you mean out of the Secretariat? The Emperor laughed. "Only out the palace gate. On a journey to the upper capital with the Emperor, he submitted a detailed indictment of Ahmad's abuse of power, deception of the throne, and harm to the people. No answer came. He then pleaded illness and asked to be relieved of his duties. The Emperor was deeply moved. He summoned Heng's son Shike, conveyed his wishes, and asked Heng to name his successor. Heng replied, "The power to appoint officials belongs to the Son of Heaven alone. A subject may speak generally of a man's merits, but to grant him office is for the Emperor alone. Ministers must not be given the first step toward trading in favors."
29
帝久欲開太學,會衡請罷益力,乃從其請。 八年,以為集賢大學士,兼國子祭酒,親為擇蒙古弟子俾教之。 衡聞命,喜曰:「此吾事也。 國人子大樸未散,視聽專一,若置之善類中涵養數年,將必為國用。」 乃請徵其弟子王梓、劉季偉、韓思永、耶律有尚、呂端善、姚燧、高凝、白棟、蘇鬱、姚敦、孫安、劉安中十二人為伴讀。 詔驛召之來京師,分處各齋,以為齋長。 時所選弟子皆幼稚,衡待之如成人,愛之如子,出入進退,其嚴若君臣。 其為教,因覺以明善,因明以開蔽,相其動息以為張弛。 課誦少暇,即習禮,或習書算。 少者則令習拜跪、揖讓、進退、應對,或射,或投壺,負者罰讀書若干遍。 久之,諸生人人自得,尊師敬業,下至童子,亦知三綱五常為生人之道。
The Emperor had long wished to establish the Imperial Academy; when Heng pressed harder to resign, he granted the request. In the eighth year he was made Grand Academician of the Hall of Worthies and Director of the Imperial Academy. The Emperor personally chose Mongol youths for him to instruct. On receiving the appointment Heng rejoiced. "This is the work I was born for. The sons of the realm are still unformed and wholly attentive. Place them among worthy teachers for a few years and they will surely serve the state. He then asked that twelve of his own disciples be summoned as reading companions: Wang Zi, Liu Jiwei, Han Siyong, Yelü Youshang, Lü Duanshan, Yao Sui, Gao Ning, Bai Dong, Su Yu, Yao Dun, Sun An, and Liu Anzhong. An edict summoned them by courier to the capital. They were assigned to separate halls and made hall leaders. The students chosen were all very young. Heng treated them as adults, loved them as sons, and in their comings and goings maintained a formality as strict as between ruler and minister. In teaching he awakened them to goodness, used clarity to dispel confusion, and paced their work to their energy—tightening and loosening as they needed. Between recitation sessions they practiced ritual, or writing and arithmetic. The youngest practiced bowing, saluting, entering and leaving, and formal address; they also shot arrows or played pitch-pot, with losers assigned extra readings. In time every student found his footing, honored his teachers, and applied himself to his studies; even the youngest boys understood the Three Bonds and Five Constants as the foundation of a human life.
30
十年,權臣屢毀漢法,諸生廩食或不繼,衡請還懷。 帝以問翰林學士王磐,磐對曰:「衡教人有法,諸生行可從政,此國之大體,宜勿聽其去。」 帝命諸老臣議其去留,竇默為衡懇請之,乃聽衡還,以贊善王恂攝學事。 劉秉忠等奏,乞以衡弟子耶律有尚、蘇鬱、白棟為助教,以守衡規矩,從之。
In the tenth year powerful ministers repeatedly attacked Chinese institutions; students' stipends sometimes went unpaid, and Heng asked to return to Huai. The Emperor consulted Hanlin Academician Wang Pan, who said, "Heng teaches with true method; his students are already fit for office. This is a pillar of the state—do not let him go. The Emperor asked the senior ministers to decide. Dou Mo pleaded earnestly on Heng's behalf, and Heng was permitted to return home; Wang Xun was left in charge of the academy. Liu Bingzhong and others petitioned that Heng's disciples Yelü Youshang, Su Yu, and Bai Dong be made assistant instructors to preserve his methods. The request was granted.
31
國家自得中原,用金《大明曆》,自大定是正後六七十年,氣朔加時漸差。 帝以海宇混一,宜協時正日。 十三年,詔王恂定新歷。 恂以為歷家知歷數而不知歷理,宜得衡領之,乃以集賢大學士兼國子祭酒,教領太史院事,召至京。 衡以為冬至者歷之本,而求曆本者在驗氣。 今所用宋舊儀,自汴還至京師,已自乖舛,加之歲久,規環不葉。 乃與太史令郭守敬等新制儀象圭表,自丙子之冬日測晷景,得丁丑、戊寅、己卯三年冬至加時,減《大明曆》十九刻二十分,又增損古歲餘歲差法,上考春秋以來冬至,無不盡合。 以月食衝及金木二星距驗冬至日躔,校舊曆退七十六分。 以日轉遲疾中平行度驗月離宿度,加舊曆三十刻。 以線代管窺測赤道宿度。 以四正定氣立損益限,以定日之盈縮。 分二十八限為三百三十六,以定月之遲疾。 以赤道變九道定月行。 以遲疾轉定度分定朔,而不用平行度。 以日月實合時刻定晦,而不用虛進法。 以躔離朓朒定交食。 其法視古皆密,而又悉去諸歷積年月日法之傅會者,一本天道自然之數,可以施之永久而無弊。 自餘正訛完闕,蓋非一事。 十七年,歷成,奏上之,賜名曰《授時曆》,頒之天下。
Since conquering the Central Plains the state had used the Jin calendar, the Great Enlightenment Calendar. Six or seven decades after its last correction in the Dading era, its reckonings of seasonal nodes and new moons had gradually fallen out of alignment. With the realm unified under one rule, the Emperor held that heaven's times and the calendar should be brought into accord. In the thirteenth year an edict charged Wang Xun with drafting a new calendar. Xun argued that astronomers knew the arithmetic of the calendar but not its underlying principles, and that Heng should lead the project. Heng was therefore made Grand Academician and Director of the Imperial Academy and charged to head the Directorate of Astronomy, then summoned to the capital. Heng held that the winter solstice is the foundation of any calendar, and that to find that foundation one must measure the seasonal qi. The Song instruments then in use had already been misaligned when moved from Kaifeng to the capital, and after years of wear their rings and circles no longer fit. With Director Guo Shoujing and others he built new armillary spheres, celestial globes, and gnomon tables. Beginning in the winter of the bingzi year he measured shadow lengths and fixed the winter solstice times for the three years dingchou, wuyin, and jimao—nineteen quarters and twenty minutes earlier than the Great Enlightenment Calendar predicted. He revised the ancient methods for annual remainder and precession, and checked every winter solstice back to the Spring and Autumn era; all matched. He verified the winter solstice solar position against lunar eclipses and the positions of Venus and Jupiter, correcting the old calendar by seventy-six minutes. He checked the moon's position against the sun's mean motion at the midpoint of its variable speed, adding thirty quarters to the old calendar. He measured equatorial lodge positions with cord sights in place of tube apertures. From the four fixed seasonal nodes he derived limits of increase and decrease to determine the varying length of days. He subdivided the twenty-eight lunar stations into three hundred thirty-six intervals to fix the moon's variable speed. He derived the moon's path from the equator through the nine celestial tracks. He fixed new moons from the moon's true rather than mean motion, converting variable speed into fixed degrees and minutes. He fixed month-end from the actual conjunction of sun and moon, abandoning the old fictitious advance method. From solar and lunar positions and the phases of the moon he calculated eclipses. Its methods surpassed all earlier calendars in precision, and discarded the forced reconciliations that had accumulated in calendrical reckoning over the ages, resting instead on the natural numbers of heaven's way—a system that could endure forever without error. Beyond these reforms, errors were corrected and gaps filled in many other particulars. In the seventeenth year the calendar was finished and submitted. The Emperor named it the Season-Granting Calendar and promulgated it throughout the realm.
32
六月,以疾請還懷。 皇太子為請於帝,以子師可為懷孟路總管以養之,且使東宮官來諭衡曰:「公毋以道不行為憂也,公安則道行有時矣,其善藥自愛。」 十八年,衡病革,家人祠,衡曰:「吾一日未死,寧不有事於祖考。」 扶而起,奠獻如儀。 既撤,家人馂,怡怡如也。 已而卒,年七十三。 是日,大雷電,風拔木。 懷人無貴賤少長,皆哭於門。 四方學士聞訃,皆聚哭。 有數千里來祭哭墓下者。
In the sixth month, citing illness, he asked to return to Huai. The Crown Prince interceded with the Emperor, appointing Heng's son Shike prefect of Huaimeng Circuit to provide for him, and sent a palace officer with this message: "Do not grieve that the Way goes unheeded. When you are well, its hour will come. Take your medicine and tend to yourself. In the eighteenth year, as Heng lay near death, his family began ancestral rites. Heng said, "While I still draw breath, how can I neglect my ancestors? They helped him rise, and he performed the offerings according to ritual. When the rites were done the family shared the sacrificial food, and he was serene and at peace. Soon afterward he died, at the age of seventy-three. That day thunder rolled across the sky and wind uprooted trees. People of Huai, high and low, young and old, wept at his gate. Scholars from every quarter, hearing of his death, gathered to mourn. Some traveled thousands of li to mourn and offer sacrifice at his grave.
33
○竇默李俊民附
Appendix: Dou Mo and Li Junmin
34
竇默,字子聲,初名傑,字漢卿,廣平肥鄉人。 幼知讀書,毅然有立志。 族祖旺,為郡功曹,令習吏事,不肯就。 會國兵伐金,默為所俘。 同時被俘者三十人,皆見殺,惟默得脫,歸其鄉。 家破,母獨存,驚怖之餘,母子俱得疾,母竟亡,扶病藁葬。 而大兵復至,遂南走渡河,依母黨吳氏。 醫者王翁妻以女,使業醫。 轉客蔡州,遇名醫李浩,授以銅人針法。 金主遷蔡,默恐兵且至,又走德安。 孝感令謝憲子以伊洛性理之書授之,默自以為昔未嘗學,而學自此始。 適中書楊惟中奉旨招集儒、道、釋之士,默乃北歸,隱於大名,與姚樞、許衡朝暮講習,至忘寢食。 繼還肥鄉,以經術教授,由是知名。
Dou Mo, whose courtesy name was Zisheng, was born Jie with the style Hanqing, a native of Feixiang in Guangping Prefecture. From childhood he took to books and set his heart on a purpose with quiet resolve. His kinsman Wang, a district merit officer, wanted him trained in official routine, but he refused. When the Mongol armies invaded the Jin, Mo was taken captive. Thirty captives taken with him were all killed; Mo alone escaped and made his way home. His home lay in ruins; only his mother remained. Shaken by terror, they both fell ill. She died, and he buried her in a straw coffin while still sick himself. When the armies returned he fled south across the river and took refuge with the Wu clan, his mother's kin. A physician named Wang gave him his daughter in marriage and set him to learn the medical arts. He moved on to Cai Prefecture, where the renowned physician Li Hao taught him acupuncture from the bronze figure. When the Jin court moved to Cai, Mo feared the armies would follow and fled again to De'an. Xie Xianzi, magistrate of Xiaogan, introduced him to the Neo-Confucian texts of the Yi-Luo school. Mo felt he had never truly studied until then; his learning began at that moment. When Yang Weizhong of the Secretariat was ordered to gather scholars of Confucian, Daoist, and Buddhist learning, Mo returned north and settled quietly at Daming. There he studied day and night with Yao Shu and Xu Heng, forgetting sleep and meals. He later returned to Feixiang to teach the classics, and from that time his name spread.
35
世祖在潛邸,遣召之,默變姓名以自晦。 使者俾其友人往見,而微服踵其後,默不得已,乃拜命。 既至,問以治道,默首以三綱五常為對。 世祖曰:「人道之端,孰大於此。 失此,則無以立於世矣。」 默又言:「帝王之道,在誠意正心,心既正,則朝廷遠近莫敢不一於正。」 一日凡三召與語,奏對皆稱旨,自是敬待加禮,不令暫去左右。 世祖問今之明治道者,默薦姚樞,即召用之。 俄命皇子真金從默學,賜以玉帶鉤,諭之曰:「此金內府故物,汝老人,佩服為宜,且使我子見之如見我也。」 久之,請南還,命大名、順德各給田宅,有司歲具衣物以為常。
While Kublai was still heir apparent he sent for Mo, but Mo changed his name to keep out of sight. The envoy sent a friend ahead while he himself followed in disguise. Mo could not evade him and accepted the summons. On arrival he was asked about governance. Mo answered first with the Three Bonds and Five Constants. Kublai said, "At the foundation of the human way, what could be greater than this? Without these, a man cannot stand in the world. Mo went on: "The way of kings lies in sincere intent and a rectified heart. Once the heart is right, court and realm alike will follow suit. That day he was summoned three times; every answer pleased the Prince. From then on Kublai treated him with special honor and would not let him leave his side even for a moment. When Kublai asked who best understood governance today, Mo recommended Yao Shu, who was summoned and appointed at once. Before long Kublai had Prince Zhenjin study under Mo and gave him a jade belt hook, saying, "This belonged to the Jin inner treasury. You are an elder—it suits you to wear it, and when my son sees it he will feel as though he sees me." After some time Mo asked to return south. Kublai granted him fields and houses in Daming and Shunde and ordered officials to supply him with clothing every year as a permanent allowance.
36
世祖即位,召至上都,問曰:「朕欲求如唐魏徵者,有其人乎?」 默對曰:「犯顏諫諍,剛毅不屈,則許衡其人也。 深識遠慮,有宰相才,則史天澤其人也。」 天澤時宣撫河南,帝即召拜右丞相,以默為翰林侍講學士。 時初建中書省,平章政事王文統頗見委任,默上書曰:
When Kublai ascended the throne he summoned Mo to Shangdu and asked, "I want men like Wei Zheng of Tang. Are there any?" Mo answered, "For one who speaks bluntly to the ruler's face and will not bend—that is Xu Heng. For deep insight, long planning, and ministerial talent—that is Shi Tianze." Tianze was serving as Henan pacification commissioner. The Emperor at once appointed him right chancellor and made Mo a Hanlin lecturing academician. The Secretariat had just been established, and Wang Wentshi as grand councillor enjoyed broad trust. Mo submitted a memorial:
37
臣事陛下十有餘年,數承顧問,與聞聖訓,有以見陛下急於求治,未嘗不以利生民安社稷為心。 時先帝在上,奸臣擅權,總天下財賦,操執在手,貢進奇貨,炫耀紛華,以娛悅上心。 其扇結朋黨、離間骨肉者,皆此徒也。 此徒當路,陛下所以不能盡其初心。 救世一念,涵養有年矣。 今天順人應,誕登大寶,天下生民,莫不歡忻踴躍,引領盛治。 然平治天下,必用正人端士,脣吻小人一時功利之說,必不能定立國家基本,為子孫久遠之計。 其賣利獻勤、乞憐取寵者,使不得行其志,斯可矣。 若夫鉤距揣摩,以利害驚動人主之意者,無他,意在擯斥諸賢,獨執政柄耳,此蘇、張之流也,惟陛下察之。 伏望別選公明有道之士,授以重任,則天下幸甚。
"I have served Your Majesty more than ten years, often consulted and hearing your instruction. I know how urgently you pursue good government—and I know your heart has never strayed from the welfare of the people and the security of the realm." While the late emperor still reigned, corrupt ministers held power. They seized control of the empire's revenues, sent up exotic treasures, flaunted finery and display—and so won the sovereign's favor. The men who built factions and turned kin against kin were of that ilk. As long as such men held sway, Your Majesty could not fully realize your original aims. Your resolve to rescue the age has been gathering strength for years. Now Heaven's mandate and the people's assent have brought you to the throne. Every subject under heaven rejoices and waits eagerly for an age of good rule. Yet to govern the realm well you must employ upright men of integrity. Smooth-talking schemers and their quick profits cannot lay the foundations of state or secure your descendants' future. Keep those who trade favor for profit and fawn for preferment from having their way—that is enough. Those who probe motives and alarm the throne with threats and promises seek one thing only: to drive out the worthy and keep power to themselves. They are Su Qin and Zhang Yi reborn. I beg Your Majesty to see through them. I earnestly ask that you choose clear-sighted men of the Way and give them real authority. The realm would be the better for it.
38
他日,默與王鶚、姚樞俱在帝前,复面斥文統曰:「此人學術不正,久居相位,必禍天下。」 帝曰:「然則誰可相者?」 默曰:「以臣觀之,無如許衡。」 帝不悅而罷。 文統深忌之,乃請以默為太子太傅,默辭曰:「太子位號未正,臣不敢先受太傅之名。」 乃復以為翰林侍講學士,詳見《許衡傳》。 默俄謝病歸,未幾,文統伏誅,帝追憶其言,謂近臣曰:「曩言王文統不可用者,惟竇漢卿一人。 向使更有一二人言之,朕寧不之思耶?」 召還,賜第京師,命有司月給廩祿,國有大政,輒以訪之。
On another day Mo stood before the Emperor with Wang E and Yao Shu and again openly denounced Wentshi: "His scholarship is unsound. Leave him long as chief minister and he will ruin the realm." The Emperor asked, "Then who is fit to be chief minister?" Mo said, "In my view, no one compares to Xu Heng." The Emperor was displeased and cut the conversation short. Wentshi hated him bitterly and proposed making Mo grand tutor of the heir apparent. Mo refused: "The heir's rank is not yet formally established—I dare not take the title of grand tutor first." Mo was reappointed Hanlin lecturing academician instead. See the Biography of Xu Heng for particulars. Mo soon retired on grounds of illness. Before long Wentshi was executed. Remembering Mo's warnings, the Emperor told his close advisers, "Of those who warned me against Wang Wentshi, only Dou Hanqing spoke out. Had one or two others spoken as he did, would I not have taken heed? Mo was recalled, given a house in the capital, and granted a monthly stipend. On major state matters the Emperor sought his counsel.
39
默與王磐等請分置翰林院,專掌蒙古文字,以翰林學士承旨撒的迷底里主之; 其翰林兼國史院,仍舊纂修國史,典制誥,備顧問,以翰林學士承旨兼修起居注和禮霍孫主之。 帝可其奏。 默又言:「三代所以風俗淳厚、歷數長久者,皆設學養士所致。 今宜建學立師,博選貴族子弟教之,以示風化之本。」 帝嘉納之。 默嘗與劉秉忠、姚樞、劉肅、商挺侍上前,默言:「君有過舉,臣當直言,都俞籲咈,古之所尚。 今則不然,君曰可,臣亦以為可,君曰否,臣亦以為否,非善政也。」 明日,复侍帝於幄殿。 獵者失一鶻,帝怒,侍臣或從旁大聲謂宜加罪。 帝惡其迎合,命杖之,釋獵者不問。 既退,秉忠等賀默曰:「非公誠結主知,安得感悟至此。」
Mo and Wang Pan petitioned to split off a Hanlin academy devoted solely to the Mongol script, under Chancellor Sadmiji; while the existing Hanlin-and-national-history office would continue compiling the dynastic history, drafting edicts, and serving as advisers—under Chancellor Hezhesun, who also kept the court diary. The Emperor approved the proposal. Mo added, "The Three Dynasties endured because their customs were strong—and that came of founding schools and nurturing scholars. You should establish schools and teachers now, choose widely among the sons of the nobility, and show where cultural renewal begins. The Emperor warmly accepted the advice. Once, while attending the Emperor with Liu Bingzhong, Yao Shu, Liu Su, and Shang Ting, Mo said, "When a ruler errs, his ministers must speak plainly. Open debate between ruler and minister is the ancient ideal. Today it is otherwise: the ruler says yes and every minister says yes; the ruler says no and every minister says no. That is not good government. The next day he attended the Emperor again in the tent palace. A falconer lost a hawk. The Emperor was furious, and some courtiers loudly urged that the man be punished. Disgusted by their sycophancy, the Emperor had those courtiers beaten and let the falconer go. Afterward Liu Bingzhong and the others congratulated Mo: "But for your sincerity and the trust you win from the sovereign, he would never have been moved this far."
40
至元十二年,默年八十,公卿皆往賀,帝聞之,拱手曰:「此輩賢者,安得請於上帝,減去數年,留朕左右,共治天下,惜今老矣!」 悵然者久之。 默既老,不視事,帝數遣中使以珍玩及諸器物往存問焉。 十七年,加昭文館大學士,卒,年八十五。 訃聞,帝深為嗟悼,厚加賵賜,皇太子亦賻以鈔二千貫,命有司護送歸葬肥鄉。
In Zhiyuan 12, when Mo turned eighty, the high ministers all came to congratulate him. Hearing of it, the Emperor said with folded hands, "Men such as these—if only one could ask Heaven to grant a few more years and keep them at my side to help rule the realm! But they are old now. He lingered in regret a long while. In his old age Mo no longer took office, but the Emperor often sent palace eunuchs with rare gifts and furnishings to inquire after his health. In the seventeenth year he was made grand academician of the Zhaowen Hall. He died at eighty-five. When word of his death arrived, the Emperor mourned deeply and gave lavish funeral gifts. The crown prince sent two thousand strings of paper cash, and officials were ordered to escort the body home to Feixiang for burial.
41
默為人樂易,平居未嘗評品人物,與人居,溫然儒者也。 至論國家大計,面折廷諍,人謂汲黯無以過之。 帝嘗謂侍臣曰:「朕求賢三十年,惟得竇漢卿及李俊民二人。」 又曰:「如竇漢卿之心,姚公茂之才,合而為一,斯可謂全人矣。」 後累贈太師,封魏國公,諡文正。 子履,集賢大學士。
Mo was easy in temperament. In daily life he never ranked people; in company he was always the gentle scholar. Yet on matters of state he would debate openly at court, and many said Ji An himself could not have outdone him. The Emperor once told his ministers, "In thirty years of seeking talent I have found only two men—Dou Hanqing and Li Junmin. He added, "Combine Dou Hanqing's character with Yao Shu's talent, and you would have a whole man." Later he was posthumously promoted to grand preceptor, enfeoffed as Duke of Wei, and given the posthumous name Wenzheng. His son Lü became grand academician of the Jixian Hall.
42
李俊民,字用章,澤州人。 得河南程氏傳受之學。 金承安中,舉進士第一,應奉翰林文字。 未幾,棄官不仕,以所學教授鄉里,從之者甚盛,至有不遠千里而來者。 金源南遷,隱於嵩山,後徙懷州,俄复隱於西山。 既而變起倉猝,人服其先知。 俊民在河南時,隱士荊先生者,授以邵雍《皇極》數。 時之知數者,無出劉秉忠之右,亦自以為弗及也。 世祖在潛籓,以安車召之,延訪無虛日。 遽乞還山,世祖重違其意,遣中貴人護送之。 又嘗令張仲一問以禎祥,及即位,其言皆驗。 而俊民已死,賜諡莊靜先生。
Li Junmin, style Yongzhang, was from Ze Prefecture. He received the Cheng school Neo-Confucian teaching from Henan. In the Jin Cheng'an era he placed first on the jinshi examination and served as Hanlin composition attendant. Before long he quit office and taught in his home district. His following grew large—some came from a thousand li away. When the Jin moved south he withdrew to Mount Song, later moved to Huai Prefecture, and soon retreated again to the Western Hills. When turmoil broke out suddenly, people marveled at his foresight. While in Henan, a recluse known as Master Jing taught him Shao Yong's numerology of the Supreme Ultimate. Among numerologists of the day none surpassed Liu Bingzhong—and Junmin thought himself no equal to Liu either. While still heir apparent, Kublai summoned him with a carriage of honor and consulted him nearly every day. He soon asked to return to his mountain retreat. Reluctant to refuse, Kublai sent a eunuch to escort him home. He also had Zhang Zhongyi consult Li on omens and portents—and when Kublai took the throne, every prediction proved true. By then Li Junmin was already dead. He was posthumously honored as Master Zhuangjing.