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卷一百五十八 列傳第四十五: 姚樞 許衡 竇默

Volume 158 Biographies 45: Yao Shu, Xu Heng, Dou Mo

Chapter 158 of 元史 · History of Yuan
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Chapter 158
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1
Yao Shu, whose courtesy name was Gongmao, came from Liucheng and later settled in Luoyang. As a young man he studied with great diligence. The Hanlin academician Song Jiujia saw in him the makings of a statesman, and Yang Weizhong brought him to an audience with Taizong. In the yiwei year, when the court launched its southern campaign, Shu was ordered to accompany Weizhong to the army and recruit Confucian, Daoist, and Buddhist scholars, along with physicians and diviners. When Zaoyang fell, the commander was about to massacre the prisoners. Shu argued strenuously that this was not what the edict intended and asked how they could answer for it later. He then gathered a few men, hid them in bamboo groves, and saved them from death. After De'an was taken he came upon the renowned scholar Zhao Fu and, through him, first obtained the writings of Cheng Yi and Zhu Xi. In the xinchou year he received a gold tally and was made a director in the Yanjing regional secretariat. Yaruqachi then headed the secretariat and dealt only in bribes. As chief of staff, Shu was offered his share as well. Shu refused every offer and resigned his post. He moved his family to Huizhou, built a family temple, and set up a separate hall with images of Confucius and Song masters such as Zhou Dunyi. He printed the classics, helped students, and passed his days reading and playing the zither, as if he meant to live out his life in retirement. Xu Heng was then in Wei. He came to Huizhou, copied Cheng's and Zhu's commentaries to take home, and told his students, "Everything I had learned and taught before was mistaken. Only now do I understand the proper path of study." Soon afterward he brought his whole household to live with Shu.
2
祿 使 使 使 便 使
While Kublai was still heir apparent, he sent Zhao Bi to summon Shu. Delighted at his arrival, he received him as an honored guest. Asked about governance, he wrote a memorial of several thousand characters. He began with the Way of the legendary sage rulers as the foundation for ruling the realm, then set out eight principles: self-cultivation, diligent study, honoring the worthy, cherishing kin, revering Heaven, loving the people, delighting in goodness, and keeping flatterers at a distance. He then listed thirty reforms to remedy the ills of the day. "Establish central ministries," he wrote, "so that government issues from a single source, policy is coordinated, and orders issued at court are not overturned overnight. Recruit the capable, raise the overlooked, scrutinize appointments, and trim redundant posts—then office will not depend on hereditary privilege alone and talent will come forward. Pay regular salaries, and bribery will be checked while fair government becomes possible. Codify the laws and review criminal cases carefully, so that the power of life and death rests with the court and local lords cannot claim it for themselves. Great crimes will not be lightly pardoned, minor faults will not draw extreme penalties, and the wrongfully condemned will find justice. Appoint supervisory commissioners with clear authority to promote and dismiss, so that the worthy and the corrupt can be identified and brought to account. Halt arbitrary levies, and the tribes will no longer prey on the people with demands and punishments. Reduce the burden of the courier service, and the provinces will not be exhausted by constant demands. Restore schools, honor the classics, and commend filial piety and chastity as the foundation for nurturing talent and improving morals, so that scholars do not neglect learning for mere display. Promote farming and sericulture, lighten taxes, reduce corvée, and forbid idleness, so that the people are relieved and do not chase vain pursuits—and so that artisans do not grow rich while honest farmers and weavers sink into want. Discipline the armies so that the countryside is no longer disturbed by marching camps. Relieve the destitute and care for widows and orphans, so that those with nowhere to turn are provided for. Establish frontier garrisons and military farms to strengthen the borders, and open canal transport to supply the capital. Ban debt slavery, so that foreign merchants cannot compound interest upon interest and destroy families who lend at usury. Build up reserves, restore ever-normal granaries against famine, regulate prices through state purchasing, curb profiteering, and stop malicious denunciations that breed endless lawsuits." Under each heading he explained how to carry it out, covering both principles and details without omission. Kublai admired his ability, consulted him on every important matter, and had him teach the classics to the crown prince.
3
In the summer of the renzi year he accompanied Kublai on the campaign against Dali as far as Quxiannao'er. At an evening banquet Shu told how Emperor Taizu of Song had sent Cao Bin to conquer the Southern Tang without killing a soul or disturbing the markets. The next day Kublai gripped his saddle and cried, "What you said last night about Cao Bin—I can do the same, I can do the same!" From horseback Shu congratulated him: "With a heart so benevolent and clear, the people are blessed and the realm is fortunate." The following year the army reached Dali. He had Shu cut cloth into banners bearing orders to spare lives and post them through the streets, so that the people were able to protect one another.
4
In the bingchen year Shu was received in audience. Some accused the prince of winning over the Chinese territories. Mongke sent Alan Dar to conduct a sweeping investigation in Guanzhong under one hundred forty-two charges, implicating every pacification official and tax merchant. He declared, "When the inquiry ends, only Liu Heima and Shi Tianze are to be reported to me; all others are to be executed." Kublai was deeply troubled when he heard this. Shu said, "The emperor is both your sovereign and your elder brother; you are the imperial younger brother and a subject. This is not a quarrel you can win; in the end you will come to harm. Better to send your consorts and household to court voluntarily and plan for a long stay there—suspicion will then lift of its own accord." When Kublai met Mongke they both wept. He was never allowed to plead his case, yet the investigation was called off and the inquisition bureau dissolved.
5
使使 ' ' 使
After Kublai ascended the throne he created pacification commissioners for ten circuits and appointed Shu to Dongping. On reaching his jurisdiction he appointed overseers for agriculture and inspection, assessed property to distribute taxes and corvée fairly, and abolished the iron monopoly. In the second year of the reign he was appointed grand preceptor of the heir apparent. Shu objected, "The crown prince has not yet been named—how can there be a grand preceptor before that?" He returned his commission to the Central Secretariat; the affair is described in the biography of Xu Heng. He was then made grand minister of agriculture. Shu memorialized: "Under Taizong, Kong Yuancuo, fifty-first-generation descendant of Confucius, was confirmed as Duke Yansheng. After his death his son and kinsmen fought over the title and appealed to Your Highness's residence. You then said, 'Go and study hard; when you have proven virtue and talent, I will appoint you. Qufu also preserves the court ritual music. Mongke had the Dongping magistrate bring its singers, dancers, musicians, and ritual vessels to Riyue Mountain, where you watched in person and ordered vacancies filled so practice would never lapse. Your Majesty also pitied Confucius's descendants who could not read the classics and were no better than commoners. You have already ordered Yang Yong of Luoyang to select promising youths from the Kong, Yan, and Meng clans for instruction. I ask that Yong be formally appointed instructor, so that the state may truly nurture talent and set an example for the realm. Wang Yong is steeped in ritual precedent and should be put in charge of rites and music so they do not fall into decay." The emperor approved every recommendation. He was summoned to the Central Secretariat to deliberate on policy and help draft statutes. The emperor also encouraged him, saying, "Yao Shu declined high office at the secretariat, and I greatly commend him for it. The secretariat's daily business needs one or two seasoned men working in concert. Go with Minister Liu Su and give your full counsel—hide nothing." When the statutes were finished, he presented them with Chancellor Shi Tianze, and the emperor warmly approved them.
6
使 使
When Li Tan plotted rebellion, the emperor asked, "What do you expect of him?" He answered, "His best move would be to strike while we are campaigning in the north—raid Yan from the coast, close Juyong Pass, and spread panic. That would be the upper stratagem. Allying with Song, holding out stubbornly, and harrying our borders until we exhaust ourselves in relief—that would be the middle stratagem. If he marched from Jinan and waited for the Shandong lords to rally to him, he would be as good as captured." The emperor asked, "Which course will he take?" He answered, "The lower one." Earlier, when the emperor had discussed talent under Heaven and Wang Wentong's name came up, Shu said, "His learning is impure and he wins favor with lords through persuasion. One day he will rebel." By then Wentong had indeed been executed for his part in Tan's rebellion.
7
In the fourth year he became left vice director of the Central Secretariat and memorialized to abolish hereditary fiefs and appoint regular prefectural governors. When someone reported that the secretariat's administration had collapsed, the emperor flew into a rage and ministers faced unknown punishments. Shu submitted a memorial:
8
西使 使
Taizu founded the dynasty on a scale surpassing all earlier ages, yet had no time to put full governance in place. In the reigns that followed, offices multiplied, punishments ran wild, the people suffered, and the treasury was drained. Your Majesty is benevolent and sage by nature. Even while still heir apparent you studied the classics, sought out seasoned advisers, and discussed governance every day. In badly governed regions such as Xingzhou, Henan, and Shaanxi you established pacification, strategic pacification, and regional pacification commissions. You chose capable men for office, paid salaries to encourage integrity, swept away corruption, and promoted farming and sericulture to enrich the people. Within three years those regions were said to be well governed. The people of every circuit look to Your Majesty to save them as infants look to their mother. After the late emperor's death troubles arose on every side, yet Heaven raised a sage to succeed to the throne. You at once adopted institutions handed down from earlier dynasties, establishing ministries at the center and supervisory commissioners in the provinces. For five or six years since the Zhongtong era, foreign attacks and internal rebellions have not ceased, yet officials are freed from debt, the people bear their taxes, treasuries and granaries are reasonably full, paper money circulates, state revenue is adequate, and government is renewed—all because Your Majesty has preserved the ancestral foundation and trusted the ways of the sage kings. Now, as you begin the work of governance, you should answer Heaven above and win the people's hearts below: reconcile your kin to strengthen the throne, name an heir to secure the succession, appoint steadfast ministers to govern, hold lectures on the classics to refine your mind, strengthen the borders, store grain against famine, establish schools, and promote agriculture to enrich the people. Thus you will honor your forebears, fulfill imperial virtue, secure your descendants, and win lasting renown. Your Majesty's ability is more than sufficient for all of this. Yet lately I hear that Your Majesty is overwhelmed with business and court orders change from day to day, like trees replanted as soon as they are set, or houses torn down as soon as they are framed. Officials and people near and far tremble with fear lest the great foundation be lost and your long-term aims fail—a grave worry for Your Majesty and a heavy blow to the state.
9
西 使
The emperor's anger subsided. In the tenth year he was made grand academician of the Hall for the Spread of Culture and assigned to revise ritual protocol. That same year Xiangyang fell, and the court began to discuss conquering Song. Shu memorialized that if a great commander were needed, only Right Chancellor Antong and Bayan, director of the Bureau of Military Affairs, would suffice. In the eleventh year Shu said, "Your Majesty has issued an edict forbidding killing. Bayan crossed the Yangzi and within a season swept from Sichuan in the west to the coast in the east. Thirty cities surrendered and more than a million households submitted—never in history had the south been conquered with such speed. Yet from summer to autumn not one city has surrendered, because officers ignore the state's larger interest, disregard Your Majesty's deep humanity, and kill and plunder for profit. At Yangzhou, Jiaoshan, and Huai'an the defenders fought to the last. Though we won, our casualties were heavy. Song can no longer survive as a state, yet Lin'an will not surrender easily. Men naturally cling to life and fear death; they dare not submit because they do not trust our promise to spare them. Reissue the order to halt killing, enforce rewards and punishments, and keep faith with promises—then Your Majesty need not strain yourself and the army need not be wasted." He also asked that Song's flogging, facial tattooing, and other abusive punishments be forbidden. In the thirteenth year he was appointed Hanlin academician recipient of edicts. In the seventeenth year he died at seventy-eight and was given the posthumous title Wenxian.
10
By nature Shu was magnanimous, benevolent, and forgiving, respectful and diligent, frugal and tireless. He never suspected others of deceiving him. Even those who wronged him found no lasting grudge in his heart. When trouble came, it never showed in his speech or expression. Whoever came to consult him received careful, repeated counsel.
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His son Wei rose to grand councillor; his nephew Sui became Hanlin academician recipient of edicts, won fame as a master of prose, and at death received the posthumous title Wen.
12
○ Xu Heng
13
宿 使 使 西 殿
Xu Heng, whose courtesy name was Zhongping, came from Henei in Huai. His family had been farmers for generations. His father Tong fled south to Henan; in the ninth month of the ninth year of the Taihe reign (1216), Xu Heng was born in Xinzheng County. Even as a child he showed unusual gifts. At seven he began school and was taught the classics clause by clause. He asked his teacher, "What is the purpose of reading?" His teacher replied, "To pass the examinations and win office—that's all." Is that all?" he asked. The teacher was astonished. Whenever he was taught a text, he would also question its deeper meaning. Before long the teacher told his parents, "Your son is exceptionally bright. One day he will far surpass ordinary men. I am not qualified to be his teacher." He resigned anyway; his parents tried to keep him but could not. In all he went through three teachers in this fashion. As he grew older he hungered for learning, but the times were chaotic and he was too poor to own books. Once at a diviner's home he came upon a commentary on the Book of Documents. He asked to stay the night and copied the text by hand to take home. After fleeing to Mount Culai he obtained Wang Bi's commentary on the Book of Changes. Amid the wars Heng studied by night and recited by day, striving to live what he learned. He never spoke or acted without first weighing it against moral principle. Once in midsummer, passing through Heyang desperately thirsty, he found pears by the road. Everyone snatched them up to eat, but Heng alone sat calmly under a tree, unmoved. When asked why, he said, "One must not take what does not belong to oneself." Someone said, "These are troubled times—the pears have no owner." The pears may have no owner," he replied, "but does my heart have no master?" He moved to Lu and settled in Wei. Seeing his character, people gradually gathered around him. After three years, hearing that peace was returning, he went back to Huai prefecture. Traveling between the Yellow and Luo rivers, he obtained from Yao Shu of Liucheng the works of the Cheng brothers of Luoyang and the Zhu family of Xin'an, and made great progress. He soon settled at Sumen, where he studied together with Yao Shu and Dou Mo. He lectured on everything from the classics, histories, rites, music, nomenclature, astronomy, military law, finance, and irrigation to water control, and resolutely took the Way as his personal mission. He once told others, "The moral order cannot vanish from the world even for a day. If those in power will not uphold it, then those below must bear the responsibility." For every funeral, sacrifice, marriage, or betrothal he observed the rites strictly and set an example for his neighbors, and the number of his students steadily grew. Though poor he farmed his own land. In good years he ate grain; in bad years he ate chaff, pits, and wild greens—all with equanimity. The sound of his chanting drifted outside his door clear as bell and chime. Whenever he had money to spare, he gave it to needy clansmen and impoverished students. He refused every gift that was not strictly righteous—not a single cash would he take. When Yao Shu was summoned to the capital, he offered Heng his Snow Studio and told the caretaker to host him, but Heng refused. When fruit ripened and fell rotting in the courtyard, children passing by never even glanced at it. His whole household had been transformed to this degree. In the jiayin year (1254), Kublai went to govern Qinzhong. He made Yao Shu commissioner for encouraging agriculture and charged him with teaching the people to farm. Seeking also to civilize the people of Qin, he summoned Xu Heng as metropolitan commissioner for the promotion of learning. The people of Qin had only recently emerged from war. They wanted to learn but had no teachers. When word came that Xu Heng was coming, everyone rejoiced and flocked to study with him. Schools were established in every commandery and county, and the people were greatly transformed. When Kublai marched south on campaign, Heng returned to Huai. Students tried to detain him but could not; they followed him as far as Lintong and then went home. In the first year of Zhongtong (1260), when Kublai took the throne, Xu Heng was summoned to the capital. Wang Wentshi had risen to grand councillor by advocating profit. Xu Heng, Yao Shu, and their circle attended the court and, whenever they spoke of governance or the state's fortunes, always placed moral principle first. Wentshi resented this. Dou Mo also criticized Wentshi's scholarship daily before the emperor. Suspecting collusion between Heng and Mo, Wentshi memorialized the throne to appoint Yao Shu grand preceptor, Dou Mo grand tutor, and Xu Heng grand protector of the heir apparent—ostensibly honoring them, but in fact keeping them from frequent access to the emperor. Dou Mo, having failed repeatedly to bring down Wentshi, hoped the Eastern Palace appointment would offer refuge from trouble. He and Yao Shu accepted the posts and were about to enter court to give thanks. Xu Heng said, "Setting that aside as a matter of principle, consider this: By ritual, tutors sit facing the heir across the hall, and only after they are seated may the heir take his seat. Can you truly restore that practice? If not, we ourselves will be the ones to destroy the teacher's proper station." Yao Shu agreed. Together they stood below the hall holding their credentials and declined five times before they were excused. They were reassigned instead: Yao Shu as grand minister of agriculture, Dou Mo as Hanlin lecturing academician, and Xu Heng as director of the National University. Before long Xu Heng also resigned on grounds of illness and went home. In the second year of Zhiyuan (1265), the emperor appointed Antong right grand councillor and wanted Xu Heng to assist him. Heng was summoned again to the capital and ordered to take part in Secretariat deliberations. Xu Heng thereupon submitted a memorial:
14
"Your servant's nature is dull and my learning shallow. I never expected such empty renown, yet by chance my name has reached Your Majesty's ears." "Your Majesty loves the worthy and delights in virtue, setting aside faults and drawing on strengths. Though I am without talent, from the jiayin year until now—thirteen years—I have received eight imperial summonses. I ask myself constantly how I can ever repay such grace." "Recently in audience Your Majesty spoke with earnest concern and allowed me to speak freely on the great affairs of the Secretariat." "Though I am dull-witted, I have received such generous trust from Your Majesty. How dare I not give all I have, however small the benefit?" "Mencius said that to hold one's ruler to high standards is respect, and to offer good counsel while blocking what is corrupt is reverence;" "Confucius said that to serve one's ruler by the Way, and to withdraw when that proves impossible." "That, in broad outline, is the principle by which I mean to conduct myself." "I beg Your Majesty to forgive my lack of wit and discern my sincere intent; then this humble counsel may perhaps prove of some small use."
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西 使
"First: every state founded since antiquity has had its institutional framework." "Follow it consistently, and good governance can be achieved." "Otherwise the ruler grows uncertain, policy shifts constantly, and success becomes impossible." "Even Zichan, minister to the waning Zhou states, and Kongming, who governed only a corner of western Shu, held to fixed principles for life;" "how much more so for a great empire—can we act without a settled policy?" "History shows that every northern dynasty that ruled the Central Plains endured only by adopting Han institutions." "The Northern Wei, Liao, and Jin lasted longest for this reason; those that did not follow this path fell one after another—the histories record it plainly." "Had the dynasty remained on the northern steppe, this question would not arise." "But for governing today, what course is more fitting?" "On land one travels by cart; on water by boat—reverse that and you cannot move." "In the cold north one eats warming foods; in hot Shu one eats cooling foods—do the reverse and illness follows." "By the same logic, there can be no doubt that the dynasty ought to adopt Han law." "Yet the Mongols have their ancient customs, and families meritorious under successive reigns cannot overnight be forced, at the urging of servile advisors, to adopt the customs of doomed states. The difficulty is immense." "I have often reflected: cold and heat are certainly different." "Yet cold turns to heat only gradually—from slight warmth to warmth, then heat, then sweltering summer—a hundred and eighty-two days before winter's chill is fully gone." "The change from heat back to cold follows the same pattern—proof that transformation requires accumulation over time." "If change comes gradually, patiently, over years—with steadfast purpose and steady application—nothing is ultimately unchangeable." "This requires Your Majesty to honor the policy, hold firm, keep petty men at a distance, demand no instant results, and pay no heed to gossip—then the work of bringing order may succeed."
16
退 調
"Second: the Secretariat's business is endlessly complex, but its essentials are only two: selecting personnel and establishing law." "To put it plainly: hair on the head is combed not with the fingers but with a comb;" "food in a bowl is eaten not with the hand but with a spoon." "The hand alone cannot manage these tasks; yet through comb and spoon it still achieves its purpose." "So too in employing men—what difference is there?" "One cannot know at once who is worthy and who is not, so hasty appointment is impossible." "Yet even when one knows who is honorable and who is base, to waver in fear of gain and loss, daring neither to promote nor dismiss, is to claim knowledge of men while in fact refusing to use them—of what use is that?" "Everyone eats, but only a cook can blend the five flavors;" "everyone sees the sun and moon, but only an astronomer can calculate eclipses—because he possesses the proper method." "The ancients said: 'To build high one must start from hills; to dig deep one must follow rivers; to govern one must follow the way of the former kings.'" Yet street talk mocks the ancients, forgetting that the food we eat and clothes we wear are all methods handed down from antiquity and cannot be disregarded. Can the laws that govern an empire be treated with less respect?" "That is blindness indeed!" "Law governs men; men uphold law." "When men and law support each other, superiors are secure and subordinates obedient, and ministers govern at ease from the palace halls without strain or exhaustion—that is true efficiency." "Though we cannot immediately restore ancient practice in legislation and appointments, officials in post should receive salaries sufficient to sustain their integrity, and standards should be broadened so that the unemployed may enter service in orderly fashion—thus easing resentment among those passed over." "Establish external inspectors to curb corruption, and concentrate authority in the Ministry of Personnel to fix ranks and seniority—then improper demands will gradually cease." "Limit consecutive terms, restrain the over-promoted and elevate the deserving—then talent and rank may come into rough balance." "Questions of hereditary privilege among noble families, sons succeeding fathers in office, and registry rolls all remain to be addressed—and cannot be postponed."
17
"Third: the people have desires; without a ruler chaos ensues. Heaven in its grace appoints rulers and teachers to bear the hardest charge—not a post for ease and amusement." "From Yao and Shun onward, every sage ruler has been cautious and reverent, knowing that Heaven's charge is supremely difficult and cannot be treated lightly." "Recognize the difficulty and meet it as difficulty, and the difficult may yet be done;" "treat it lightly, and future difficulties will prove impossible." "Confucius said, 'To be a ruler is hard; to be a minister is no easy matter.'" I have already explained the minister's duty to Antong." "But the difficulty of ruling is what Your Majesty above all must keep in mind." "Permit me to speak of what is most urgent and essential:"
18
A ruler's worry is not speaking rightly but doing what he has said. Once one knows how hard it is to keep one's word, one cannot speak carelessly. Liu Anshi once vowed never to speak rashly; seven years passed before he mastered that single discipline. Anshi was only a private gentleman, mingling with one family's kin and one village's neighbors, answering to a few dozen colleagues at most—yet even for him speech was so hard. How much harder for a ruler who must answer, alone, to an empire of millions, with affairs shifting daily in endless variety? To speak without ever missing the mark is scarcely possible. Hence words forgotten overnight, orders contradicted the next day, policies reversed and reversed again: the state's framework cannot hold, law cannot take root, and ministers have no fixed rule to follow. Crafty men exploit the chaos, while the people stagger in confusion and conclude that the throne has lost both law and trust. The reason is simple: one faces the hardest duties with too easy a mind. Follow the Great Learning: make self-cultivation the root. Let every word and deed seek what is true and what is right—not swayed by love or hate, joy or anger. With an open mind and steady purpose, think long and judge carefully, and error will be rare. Yet rulers too often indulge themselves, while ministers too often trade in flattery. Flattery springs from private interest; when self-interest flourishes, one no longer fears others. Indulgence springs from appetite; when appetite flourishes, one no longer fears Heaven. Heaven-fearing and people-fearing gone, heart and habit merge, and all that is pursued becomes mere self-indulgence. When pleasure leads, the mouth speaks as it wishes and the body moves as it wishes. Who then will be careful, root every act in self-cultivation, and weigh each word before it is uttered? This is why a ruler's words are so hard to honor—and why the whole realm suffers when they are not.
19
退 使使使使 退
People may be sincere or deceitful, easy to read or hard; that alone depends on the person—but there is more. There is also the question of numbers. The few are easier to know than the many; hence those above struggle to know those below, while those below easily know those above. Such is the balance of power. To stand where knowledge is hard and face men who are hard to read—how can one hope never to be deceived? Bao Zheng was famous for stern probity and keen insight—yet a lowly clerk still fooled him once. Bao Zheng was only the capital prefect; when deceived, at worst one case went wrong and one person suffered. A ruler stands above millions, holding life, death, reward, and ruin in his hand. If he is deceived, falsehood passes for truth and truth for falsehood—and the harm is beyond measure. A ruler must show neither joy nor anger; where joy and anger appear, men will inflame his pleasure to win favor and his wrath to build power. He must harbor neither favor nor dislike; favor invites private uses of his love, dislike invites revenge through his hatred. Men will feign grounds for joy where there was none, provoke anger where none existed, praise the unworthy into favor, and invent faults to breed hatred. Then promotion need not mean virtue, dismissal need not mean vice, reward need not mark merit, and punishment need not mark guilt. Life and death, reward and ruin—rarely fall where they should. Blind to his own deception, he yet relies on deceivers to guard against fraud. When fraud has gone this far, what is left to guard? In general, a ruler's chief treasure is knowing men and his most urgent task is using them well. Employ the right men, and guarding becomes unnecessary. Fail at that, and those who surround the throne are climbers, profiteers, and men without shame. Armed with every trick and bypath, they beguile the ruler's mind. To block such deception—even Yao and Shun would fail.
20
使 退
The worthy serve the public good, not private gain; they bow neither to profit nor to power. Placed among the chief ministers, they set every affair straight and shower the realm with benefit. Their weight to the state is exactly this. The worthy, when fortune fails them, hide their light; the world does not easily recognize them. Even when someone knows them, without a patron to bring them forward the ruler never will. Even when the ruler knows them, a summons handled like a call to the stables will make the worthy refuse to come. Courtesy without heeding their counsel will not keep the worthy in service. Or their counsel is taken but petty men share the task, small gains are demanded, quick results expected—the name of employing worthies without the reality. Would the worthy hold a hollow post and invite the world's scorn? These are men hard to bring forward—and there are also men hard to work with. A ruler in high place loves to hear others' faults but not his own, seeks his own pleasure rather than the people's contentment. The worthy must set things right and secure the realm, as Yao and Shun did, and will not stop short of that—so harmony with the throne is always hard. When sycophants hate the upright and invent charges to destroy them, guilt follows—and how then can affairs be set right or the realm blessed? From antiquity to the present, upright scholars have prized withdrawal over advancement—for this very reason. Great Yu, a sage, bowed at the mere report of good counsel—yet Yi still warned him, "Employ the worthy without wavering; remove the wicked without doubt." What should later rulers do? Such is the difficulty of employing the worthy.
21
退
Treacherous men have perilous hearts and crafty methods. Their perilous nature takes a thousand forms, beyond anyone's reading; their craft opens a thousand paths, beyond anyone's defense. Flattery that looks like respect, accusation that looks like honesty, deceit that looks trustworthy, sycophancy that looks approachable. They watch the ruler's moods and pander to them, borrow his power to build their own, and feed his desires to win his favor. Favor at court, power in their hands, ministers silent and kin afraid—the poison spreads while the ruler knows nothing. By then removal is nearly impossible. Even this may be excused as the blindness of an unwary ruler. Yuwen Shiji's flattery was plain to Emperor Taizong, yet he could not dismiss him; Li Linfu envied talent; Emperor Xuanzong saw his treachery yet could not remove him. Evil can beguile men to this degree—should it not inspire dread?
22
使使
When rulers love their people sincerely, the people repay with loyalty—that is the natural order of response. Yet history shows cases that ordinary reasoning cannot explain. Yu tamed the floods to save the people; Qi reverently carried on his Way. Their grace ran deep—yet one generation later Taikang lost the Way and the people turned away in hatred. Why? Emperor Gaozu rose from commoner ranks; the realm followed him. At the crisis of Xingyang, Ji Xin gave his life for the cause—the depth of popular loyalty was plain. Yet once the realm was settled, rebels still rose from the deserts. Why? I have reflected on this: the people support their ruler by Heaven's mandate and begin without disloyalty. Resentment arises only when hope is betrayed and justice denied. Yu and Qi loved the people as their own children; Taikang indulged himself and lost virtue—hence the people's disappointment. Gaozu won the realm through leniency and grace; once secure, he punished and rewarded by personal favor and spite—hence the people's sense of injustice. Rulers ancient and modern who had once blessed the people yet earned their anger have all followed this pattern. At the start of a reign, fine promises are proclaimed to the realm; when reality falls short, resentment follows. Ministers differ little among themselves; favor one by private whim and the rest already resent it. Reward the guilty and slight the meritorious—who would not rage inwardly? Follow the Great Learning: root every word and deed in self-cultivation, let every act be a model for the realm and every reward and punishment serve the public good—then the hearts of millions will come unbidden, and disappointment and injustice will vanish.
23
西西
Since the Three Dynasties, no reign has been praised as well governed as those of Emperors Wen and Jing—yet even then the heavens shifted, mountains fell, and the earth shook without end, foretelling drought and flood at least and chaos and ruin at worst. Such signs are never idle. Yet Wen and Jing answered Heaven's will by making the people's welfare their sole concern—encouraging farming one year, cutting land tax the next. With such earnest care, hearts were won and harmony restored. I note that two autumns ago a broom star rose in the west and a comet in the east; last winter comets appeared in the east and again in the west. Counselors say the court should sweep out the old and usher in the new to answer Heaven's warnings. I believe it would be better to follow Wen and Jing in reverent thrift and love of the people—governing with clear principle and upright justice that men can trust. Heaven sets up rulers for the sake of the people. Mencius said, "The people are paramount, the ruler is secondary." The Documents says, "Heaven sees through the people's eyes and hears through the people's ears." By this reckoning, Heaven's Way always sides with those below and with what is lacking. A ruler who looks upward rather than downward, to abundance rather than need—that is what summons Heaven's warnings. When signs have already appeared and perversity has taken root, yet the court clings to old ways, presses the lowly and strips the needy, and calls it obeying Heaven—is that not folly?
24
These six are the headings of difficulty. In essence, there are only three: cultivate virtue, employ the worthy, and love the people. This is treating the root cause. Once the root is set, order can be established, law enforced, and good governance assured. Otherwise favor and spite war with each other, good and evil both suffer, and the people cannot escape ruin. Governance on such terms is impossible.
25
使使使使 使
Fourth: when one speaks of sage rulers of old, one names Yao and Shun; when one speaks of worthy ministers, one names Ji and Qi. Yao and Shun knew Heaven's Way and followed it; Ji and Qi knew their rulers' hearts and supported them. That is why they became models for the realm and examples for posterity. Heaven's Way cherishes life without partiality; Yao and Shun cherished life without partiality. From "making illustrious his lofty virtue" to "the people transformed," from "respectfully conferring the seasons" to "all tasks flourishing"—that is what it means to follow Heaven's Way. Ji sowed the hundred grains to nourish the people; Qi spread the five teachings to improve their hearts—that is what it means to support Yao and Shun. I have pondered this again and again: it matches the words of every sage of old and the record of every age's rise and fall. When this Way is followed, the people grow rich, armies grow strong, talent flourishes, and the state's weight increases—I have thought on this day and night. Today the state knows only tricks for extracting revenue, not the roots of creating wealth; knows only how to guard against fraud, not how to cultivate virtue; worries only that laws are hard to enforce, not that there is no ground on which law can take hold. Truly honor farmers, leave them undisturbed, drive the idle back to the fields, assign planting and cultivation, and earnestly supervise—in ten years the granaries would bear no comparison to today. Establish schools from the capital to every county, so that princes and commoners' sons alike may study the great relations of family and state—from daily conduct to the art of governing the realm. In ten years rulers will know how to lead and subjects how to serve, and harmony above and below will surpass anything seen today. Carry out these two measures and all else may follow; without them, nothing else can be hoped for. This is the Way of Yao and Shun. Mencius said, "I dare not set before the king any counsel that is not the Way of Yao and Shun." I am small and humble, but I too wish to learn this Way."
26
祿 退 使
Fifth: the realm is settled when the people's will is settled. Let scholars rest in scholarship, farmers in farming, artisans and merchants in their trades—then those above may also rest secure. When commoners cannot rest content in humble homes, they seek office and salary; when officials cannot rest in low rank, they seek honor and glory. From every corner of the realm they press forward together, each with insatiable and shameless ambition—should those above not shudder? I have heard that conquering the realm calls for boldness, but holding it calls for restraint. Conquest and governance each have their proper season; a ruler must discern which applies when. Deliberate first, and every act hits its mark; fail to do so, and joy or anger flares at the first provocation—everyone reads it on your face and hears it in your words. Only afterward do you see there was nothing to celebrate and regret your elation, or nothing to condemn and regret your fury—joy turns to wrath, wrath to joy, commands shift with your mood. Such is the cost of an undisciplined heart. The ancient kings kept their hearts inward and still, seldom showing pleasure or displeasure. Before they acted, even those closest could not guess what they would do, nor could the dearest move them from their resolve. Their commands were few and never regretted, and always struck the proper measure. Constant change—this cannot be tolerated; and repeated breaches of trust—least of all. King You of Zhou had lost the Way and cared nothing for such things—but Your Majesty is not he. Why give your subjects cause to doubt you?
27
退 調 使
When the memorial was submitted, the Emperor praised it and took its counsel to heart. Whenever Heng had audience with the Emperor he submitted many memorials, but on leaving he always destroyed the drafts. Most of his counsel remained secret; the world rarely heard it, and only this much has been preserved. Heng suffered frequent illness. The Emperor permitted him to attend court every five days and sent him choice medicines and wine from the imperial dispensary. In the fourth year, he was at last permitted to return home to Huai Prefecture. The following year he was recalled to court; his responses there, too, went unrecorded. In the sixth year he was charged, with Director Xu Shilong of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices, to establish court ritual. When the rites were complete the Emperor observed them in person and was greatly pleased. He was also instructed, with Grand Preceptor Liu Bingzhong and Left Director Zhang Wenqian, to design the bureaucracy. Heng mapped how offices had been divided, merged, and subordinated through history, stripped away provisional powers and redundant posts, and set out in charts the lines of authority among ministries, academies, the Censorate, prefectures and counties, the imperial household, and every branch of government. The seventh year it was submitted to the throne. The next day he was directed to gather the senior officials to debate how the Secretariat, the Academies, and the Censorate should exchange documents. Heng said, "The Secretariat assists the Son of Heaven in governing the realm; the Academies and Censorate should submit memorials for his review. Shang Ting sat on the Privy Council and Gao Ming in the Censorate; both were displeased and wanted all communications routed through consultation and submission. They tried to intimidate Heng: "The Censorate and Academies are staffed by imperial kin and great ministers. Offend one of them and the consequences are incalculable. Heng replied, "I speak of the national order. What has that to do with anyone's personal standing? He put the question directly to the Emperor, who said, "Heng is right. That is my view as well."
28
殿 使
Before long Ahmad became co-director of the Secretariat and assumed control of the Six Ministries. His power overshadowed the court; most senior officials flattered him. Heng alone argued with him forthrightly and never yielded. Soon afterward the Emperor appointed Ahmad's son vice-director of the Privy Council. Heng alone objected: "State power rests on three pillars—arms, people, and revenue. The father already controls the people and the treasury, and now the son would control the army. This cannot stand. The Emperor said, "Do you fear he will rebel? Heng replied, "He may never rebel, but this is the path to rebellion. Ahmad nursed a grudge and promptly recommended Heng for a post in the Secretariat, hoping to trap him in some official misstep. Soon Heng was appointed left director. He repeatedly petitioned to decline, until the Emperor ordered attendants to usher him from the hall. Heng reached the threshold, then turned back and said, "Your Majesty ordered me out—do you mean out of the Secretariat? The Emperor laughed. "Only out the palace gate. On a journey to the upper capital with the Emperor, he submitted a detailed indictment of Ahmad's abuse of power, deception of the throne, and harm to the people. No answer came. He then pleaded illness and asked to be relieved of his duties. The Emperor was deeply moved. He summoned Heng's son Shike, conveyed his wishes, and asked Heng to name his successor. Heng replied, "The power to appoint officials belongs to the Son of Heaven alone. A subject may speak generally of a man's merits, but to grant him office is for the Emperor alone. Ministers must not be given the first step toward trading in favors."
29
退 退
The Emperor had long wished to establish the Imperial Academy; when Heng pressed harder to resign, he granted the request. In the eighth year he was made Grand Academician of the Hall of Worthies and Director of the Imperial Academy. The Emperor personally chose Mongol youths for him to instruct. On receiving the appointment Heng rejoiced. "This is the work I was born for. The sons of the realm are still unformed and wholly attentive. Place them among worthy teachers for a few years and they will surely serve the state. He then asked that twelve of his own disciples be summoned as reading companions: Wang Zi, Liu Jiwei, Han Siyong, Yelü Youshang, Lü Duanshan, Yao Sui, Gao Ning, Bai Dong, Su Yu, Yao Dun, Sun An, and Liu Anzhong. An edict summoned them by courier to the capital. They were assigned to separate halls and made hall leaders. The students chosen were all very young. Heng treated them as adults, loved them as sons, and in their comings and goings maintained a formality as strict as between ruler and minister. In teaching he awakened them to goodness, used clarity to dispel confusion, and paced their work to their energy—tightening and loosening as they needed. Between recitation sessions they practiced ritual, or writing and arithmetic. The youngest practiced bowing, saluting, entering and leaving, and formal address; they also shot arrows or played pitch-pot, with losers assigned extra readings. In time every student found his footing, honored his teachers, and applied himself to his studies; even the youngest boys understood the Three Bonds and Five Constants as the foundation of a human life.
30
In the tenth year powerful ministers repeatedly attacked Chinese institutions; students' stipends sometimes went unpaid, and Heng asked to return to Huai. The Emperor consulted Hanlin Academician Wang Pan, who said, "Heng teaches with true method; his students are already fit for office. This is a pillar of the state—do not let him go. The Emperor asked the senior ministers to decide. Dou Mo pleaded earnestly on Heng's behalf, and Heng was permitted to return home; Wang Xun was left in charge of the academy. Liu Bingzhong and others petitioned that Heng's disciples Yelü Youshang, Su Yu, and Bai Dong be made assistant instructors to preserve his methods. The request was granted.
31
退 宿 宿
Since conquering the Central Plains the state had used the Jin calendar, the Great Enlightenment Calendar. Six or seven decades after its last correction in the Dading era, its reckonings of seasonal nodes and new moons had gradually fallen out of alignment. With the realm unified under one rule, the Emperor held that heaven's times and the calendar should be brought into accord. In the thirteenth year an edict charged Wang Xun with drafting a new calendar. Xun argued that astronomers knew the arithmetic of the calendar but not its underlying principles, and that Heng should lead the project. Heng was therefore made Grand Academician and Director of the Imperial Academy and charged to head the Directorate of Astronomy, then summoned to the capital. Heng held that the winter solstice is the foundation of any calendar, and that to find that foundation one must measure the seasonal qi. The Song instruments then in use had already been misaligned when moved from Kaifeng to the capital, and after years of wear their rings and circles no longer fit. With Director Guo Shoujing and others he built new armillary spheres, celestial globes, and gnomon tables. Beginning in the winter of the bingzi year he measured shadow lengths and fixed the winter solstice times for the three years dingchou, wuyin, and jimao—nineteen quarters and twenty minutes earlier than the Great Enlightenment Calendar predicted. He revised the ancient methods for annual remainder and precession, and checked every winter solstice back to the Spring and Autumn era; all matched. He verified the winter solstice solar position against lunar eclipses and the positions of Venus and Jupiter, correcting the old calendar by seventy-six minutes. He checked the moon's position against the sun's mean motion at the midpoint of its variable speed, adding thirty quarters to the old calendar. He measured equatorial lodge positions with cord sights in place of tube apertures. From the four fixed seasonal nodes he derived limits of increase and decrease to determine the varying length of days. He subdivided the twenty-eight lunar stations into three hundred thirty-six intervals to fix the moon's variable speed. He derived the moon's path from the equator through the nine celestial tracks. He fixed new moons from the moon's true rather than mean motion, converting variable speed into fixed degrees and minutes. He fixed month-end from the actual conjunction of sun and moon, abandoning the old fictitious advance method. From solar and lunar positions and the phases of the moon he calculated eclipses. Its methods surpassed all earlier calendars in precision, and discarded the forced reconciliations that had accumulated in calendrical reckoning over the ages, resting instead on the natural numbers of heaven's way—a system that could endure forever without error. Beyond these reforms, errors were corrected and gaps filled in many other particulars. In the seventeenth year the calendar was finished and submitted. The Emperor named it the Season-Granting Calendar and promulgated it throughout the realm.
32
使
In the sixth month, citing illness, he asked to return to Huai. The Crown Prince interceded with the Emperor, appointing Heng's son Shike prefect of Huaimeng Circuit to provide for him, and sent a palace officer with this message: "Do not grieve that the Way goes unheeded. When you are well, its hour will come. Take your medicine and tend to yourself. In the eighteenth year, as Heng lay near death, his family began ancestral rites. Heng said, "While I still draw breath, how can I neglect my ancestors? They helped him rise, and he performed the offerings according to ritual. When the rites were done the family shared the sacrificial food, and he was serene and at peace. Soon afterward he died, at the age of seventy-three. That day thunder rolled across the sky and wind uprooted trees. People of Huai, high and low, young and old, wept at his gate. Scholars from every quarter, hearing of his death, gathered to mourn. Some traveled thousands of li to mourn and offer sacrifice at his grave.
33
Appendix: Dou Mo and Li Junmin
34
使
Dou Mo, whose courtesy name was Zisheng, was born Jie with the style Hanqing, a native of Feixiang in Guangping Prefecture. From childhood he took to books and set his heart on a purpose with quiet resolve. His kinsman Wang, a district merit officer, wanted him trained in official routine, but he refused. When the Mongol armies invaded the Jin, Mo was taken captive. Thirty captives taken with him were all killed; Mo alone escaped and made his way home. His home lay in ruins; only his mother remained. Shaken by terror, they both fell ill. She died, and he buried her in a straw coffin while still sick himself. When the armies returned he fled south across the river and took refuge with the Wu clan, his mother's kin. A physician named Wang gave him his daughter in marriage and set him to learn the medical arts. He moved on to Cai Prefecture, where the renowned physician Li Hao taught him acupuncture from the bronze figure. When the Jin court moved to Cai, Mo feared the armies would follow and fled again to De'an. Xie Xianzi, magistrate of Xiaogan, introduced him to the Neo-Confucian texts of the Yi-Luo school. Mo felt he had never truly studied until then; his learning began at that moment. When Yang Weizhong of the Secretariat was ordered to gather scholars of Confucian, Daoist, and Buddhist learning, Mo returned north and settled quietly at Daming. There he studied day and night with Yao Shu and Xu Heng, forgetting sleep and meals. He later returned to Feixiang to teach the classics, and from that time his name spread.
35
使 使
While Kublai was still heir apparent he sent for Mo, but Mo changed his name to keep out of sight. The envoy sent a friend ahead while he himself followed in disguise. Mo could not evade him and accepted the summons. On arrival he was asked about governance. Mo answered first with the Three Bonds and Five Constants. Kublai said, "At the foundation of the human way, what could be greater than this? Without these, a man cannot stand in the world. Mo went on: "The way of kings lies in sincere intent and a rectified heart. Once the heart is right, court and realm alike will follow suit. That day he was summoned three times; every answer pleased the Prince. From then on Kublai treated him with special honor and would not let him leave his side even for a moment. When Kublai asked who best understood governance today, Mo recommended Yao Shu, who was summoned and appointed at once. Before long Kublai had Prince Zhenjin study under Mo and gave him a jade belt hook, saying, "This belonged to the Jin inner treasury. You are an elder—it suits you to wear it, and when my son sees it he will feel as though he sees me." After some time Mo asked to return south. Kublai granted him fields and houses in Daming and Shunde and ordered officials to supply him with clothing every year as a permanent allowance.
36
When Kublai ascended the throne he summoned Mo to Shangdu and asked, "I want men like Wei Zheng of Tang. Are there any?" Mo answered, "For one who speaks bluntly to the ruler's face and will not bend—that is Xu Heng. For deep insight, long planning, and ministerial talent—that is Shi Tianze." Tianze was serving as Henan pacification commissioner. The Emperor at once appointed him right chancellor and made Mo a Hanlin lecturing academician. The Secretariat had just been established, and Wang Wentshi as grand councillor enjoyed broad trust. Mo submitted a memorial:
37
耀 使
"I have served Your Majesty more than ten years, often consulted and hearing your instruction. I know how urgently you pursue good government—and I know your heart has never strayed from the welfare of the people and the security of the realm." While the late emperor still reigned, corrupt ministers held power. They seized control of the empire's revenues, sent up exotic treasures, flaunted finery and display—and so won the sovereign's favor. The men who built factions and turned kin against kin were of that ilk. As long as such men held sway, Your Majesty could not fully realize your original aims. Your resolve to rescue the age has been gathering strength for years. Now Heaven's mandate and the people's assent have brought you to the throne. Every subject under heaven rejoices and waits eagerly for an age of good rule. Yet to govern the realm well you must employ upright men of integrity. Smooth-talking schemers and their quick profits cannot lay the foundations of state or secure your descendants' future. Keep those who trade favor for profit and fawn for preferment from having their way—that is enough. Those who probe motives and alarm the throne with threats and promises seek one thing only: to drive out the worthy and keep power to themselves. They are Su Qin and Zhang Yi reborn. I beg Your Majesty to see through them. I earnestly ask that you choose clear-sighted men of the Way and give them real authority. The realm would be the better for it.
38
使 祿
On another day Mo stood before the Emperor with Wang E and Yao Shu and again openly denounced Wentshi: "His scholarship is unsound. Leave him long as chief minister and he will ruin the realm." The Emperor asked, "Then who is fit to be chief minister?" Mo said, "In my view, no one compares to Xu Heng." The Emperor was displeased and cut the conversation short. Wentshi hated him bitterly and proposed making Mo grand tutor of the heir apparent. Mo refused: "The heir's rank is not yet formally established—I dare not take the title of grand tutor first." Mo was reappointed Hanlin lecturing academician instead. See the Biography of Xu Heng for particulars. Mo soon retired on grounds of illness. Before long Wentshi was executed. Remembering Mo's warnings, the Emperor told his close advisers, "Of those who warned me against Wang Wentshi, only Dou Hanqing spoke out. Had one or two others spoken as he did, would I not have taken heed? Mo was recalled, given a house in the capital, and granted a monthly stipend. On major state matters the Emperor sought his counsel.
39
殿 退
Mo and Wang Pan petitioned to split off a Hanlin academy devoted solely to the Mongol script, under Chancellor Sadmiji; while the existing Hanlin-and-national-history office would continue compiling the dynastic history, drafting edicts, and serving as advisers—under Chancellor Hezhesun, who also kept the court diary. The Emperor approved the proposal. Mo added, "The Three Dynasties endured because their customs were strong—and that came of founding schools and nurturing scholars. You should establish schools and teachers now, choose widely among the sons of the nobility, and show where cultural renewal begins. The Emperor warmly accepted the advice. Once, while attending the Emperor with Liu Bingzhong, Yao Shu, Liu Su, and Shang Ting, Mo said, "When a ruler errs, his ministers must speak plainly. Open debate between ruler and minister is the ancient ideal. Today it is otherwise: the ruler says yes and every minister says yes; the ruler says no and every minister says no. That is not good government. The next day he attended the Emperor again in the tent palace. A falconer lost a hawk. The Emperor was furious, and some courtiers loudly urged that the man be punished. Disgusted by their sycophancy, the Emperor had those courtiers beaten and let the falconer go. Afterward Liu Bingzhong and the others congratulated Mo: "But for your sincerity and the trust you win from the sovereign, he would never have been moved this far."
40
使
In Zhiyuan 12, when Mo turned eighty, the high ministers all came to congratulate him. Hearing of it, the Emperor said with folded hands, "Men such as these—if only one could ask Heaven to grant a few more years and keep them at my side to help rule the realm! But they are old now. He lingered in regret a long while. In his old age Mo no longer took office, but the Emperor often sent palace eunuchs with rare gifts and furnishings to inquire after his health. In the seventeenth year he was made grand academician of the Zhaowen Hall. He died at eighty-five. When word of his death arrived, the Emperor mourned deeply and gave lavish funeral gifts. The crown prince sent two thousand strings of paper cash, and officials were ordered to escort the body home to Feixiang for burial.
41
Mo was easy in temperament. In daily life he never ranked people; in company he was always the gentle scholar. Yet on matters of state he would debate openly at court, and many said Ji An himself could not have outdone him. The Emperor once told his ministers, "In thirty years of seeking talent I have found only two men—Dou Hanqing and Li Junmin. He added, "Combine Dou Hanqing's character with Yao Shu's talent, and you would have a whole man." Later he was posthumously promoted to grand preceptor, enfeoffed as Duke of Wei, and given the posthumous name Wenzheng. His son Lü became grand academician of the Jixian Hall.
42
西
Li Junmin, style Yongzhang, was from Ze Prefecture. He received the Cheng school Neo-Confucian teaching from Henan. In the Jin Cheng'an era he placed first on the jinshi examination and served as Hanlin composition attendant. Before long he quit office and taught in his home district. His following grew large—some came from a thousand li away. When the Jin moved south he withdrew to Mount Song, later moved to Huai Prefecture, and soon retreated again to the Western Hills. When turmoil broke out suddenly, people marveled at his foresight. While in Henan, a recluse known as Master Jing taught him Shao Yong's numerology of the Supreme Ultimate. Among numerologists of the day none surpassed Liu Bingzhong—and Junmin thought himself no equal to Liu either. While still heir apparent, Kublai summoned him with a carriage of honor and consulted him nearly every day. He soon asked to return to his mountain retreat. Reluctant to refuse, Kublai sent a eunuch to escort him home. He also had Zhang Zhongyi consult Li on omens and portents—and when Kublai took the throne, every prediction proved true. By then Li Junmin was already dead. He was posthumously honored as Master Zhuangjing.
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