Volume 71 Wei Records 3

1

=魏紀三=

Wei Records 3

2

起著雍涒灘，盡上章閹茂，凡三年。

Spanning from the year Zhuyong Tantan through Shangzhang Yanmao—a period of three years.

3

烈祖明皇帝上之下

Emperor Ming the Illustrious Ancestor, Part One (conclusion)

4

1春，正月，司馬懿攻新城，旬有六日，拔之，斬孟達。申儀久在魏興，擅承製刻印，多所假授；懿召而執之，歸于洛陽。

1. In spring, during the first month, Sima Yi besieged Xincheng; within sixteen days he captured it and executed Meng Da. Shen Yi had long served in Weixing, where he had taken it upon himself to cut seals and issue credentials on his own authority, handing out many illicit commissions. Sima Yi summoned him, placed him under arrest, and sent him back to Luoyang.

5

2初，征西將軍夏侯淵〔族〕( 之) 子楙尚太祖女清河公主之) 子楙尚太祖女清河公主按據《魏志．諸夏侯曹傳》，夏侯楙為夏侯惇之子，即夏侯淵族子，此處「之」字改為「族」。，文帝少與之親善，及即位，以為安西將軍，都督關中，鎮長安，使承淵處。

2. Earlier, Western Campaigning General Xiahou Yuan's clansman's ( son's) son's)¹ “From youth Emperor Wen had been close to him; when he came to the throne he made him General Who Stabilizes the West, superintendent of Guanzhong, with his seat at Chang'an, to inherit Xiahou Yuan's command.”²

6

諸葛亮將入寇，與群下謀之，丞相司馬魏延曰：「聞夏侯楙，主婿也，怯而無謀。今假延精兵五千，負糧五千，直從褒中出，循秦嶺而東，當子午而北，不過十日，可到長安。楙聞延奄至，必棄城逃走。長安中惟御史、京兆太守耳。橫門邸閣與散民之穀，足周食也。比東方相合聚，尚二十許日，而公從斜谷來，亦足以達。如此，則一舉而咸陽以西可定矣。」亮以為此危計，不如安從坦道，可以平取隴右，十全必克而無虞，故不用延計。

Zhuge Liang was preparing a northern campaign and discussed plans with his staff. Chief Minister's Marshal Wei Yan said, "I hear that Xiahou Mao—the emperor's son-in-law—is timid and short on strategy. Give me five thousand elite troops and rations for five thousand men. I would march straight from Baozhong, follow the Qin Mountains east, then turn north at Ziwu Pass—in under ten days I could be at Chang'an. When Mao heard that I had come upon him unawares, he would surely abandon the city and flee. Chang'an would hold nothing but the imperial censor and the Administrator of Jingzhao. The grain in the Heng Gate granaries and among the common people would be enough to supply us for weeks. Before eastern reinforcements could gather and arrive, there would still be some twenty days to spare—and when you came up through the Xie Valley, that would be ample time as well. In this way we could secure everything west of Xianyang in a single stroke." Liang judged this a reckless gamble. Better to take the open road, seize Longyou by steady pressure, and win a sure, complete victory without risk—so he rejected Yan's proposal.

7

亮揚聲由斜谷道取郿。使鎮東將軍趙雲，揚武將軍鄧芝為疑軍，據箕谷。帝遺曹真都督關右諸軍亮身率大軍攻祁山，戎陳整齊，號令明肅。始，魏以漢昭烈既死，數歲寂然無聞，是以略無備豫；而卒聞亮出，朝野恐懼。於是天水、南安、安定皆叛應亮，關中響震，朝臣未知計所出。帝曰：「亮阻山為固，今者自來，正合兵書致人之術，破亮必也。」乃勒兵馬步騎五萬，遣右將軍張郃督之，西拒亮。丁未，帝行如長安。

Liang let it be known that he would take Mei by way of the Xie Valley. He sent General Who Stabilizes the East Zhao Yun and General Who Displays Martial Might Deng Zhi with a diversionary force to hold Jigu Pass. The emperor dispatched Cao Zhen to command all forces west of the Pass. Liang himself led the main army against Qishan; the ranks were orderly and discipline severe. At first Wei, believing that with Emperor Zhaolie's death the realm had lain quiet for years, had made almost no preparations. Then word came that Liang had marched out, and court and countryside alike were stricken with fear. Tianshui, Nan'an, and Anding all rose and went over to Liang; Guanzhong trembled at the news, and the court could not settle on a plan. The emperor said, "Liang has been hiding behind the mountains; now he has come out on his own. That is exactly what the military classics call drawing the enemy in—we shall surely break him." He mustered fifty thousand foot and horse, placed Right General Zhang He in command, and sent them west to meet Liang. On dingwei the emperor marched toward Chang'an.

8

初，越巂太守馬謖才器過人，好論軍計，諸葛亮深加器異。漢昭烈臨終謂亮曰：「馬謖言過其實，不可大用，君其察之！」亮猶謂不然，以謖為參軍，每引見談論，自晝達夜。及出軍祁山，亮不用舊將魏延、吳懿等為先鋒，而以謖督諸軍在前，與張郃戰于街亭。

Earlier, Yuexi Administrator Ma Su had shown unusual ability and loved to discourse on strategy; Zhuge Liang had singled him out for special regard. On his deathbed Emperor Zhaolie told Liang, "Ma Su's words outrun his deeds; do not give him weighty command—watch him closely!" Liang still disagreed, made Su a staff officer, and would summon him for talks that ran from dawn till night. When the army marched on Qishan, Liang passed over veteran commanders such as Wei Yan and Wu Yi for the vanguard and put Su in charge of the forward divisions; he met Zhang He at Jieting.

9

謖違亮節度，舉措煩擾，捨水上山，不下據城。張郃絕其汲道，擊，大破之，士卒離散。亮進無所據，乃拔西縣千餘家還漢中。收謖下獄，殺之。亮自臨祭，為之流涕，撫其遺孤，恩若平生。蔣琬謂亮曰：「昔楚殺得臣，文公喜可知也。天下未定而戮智計之士，豈不惜乎！」亮流涕曰：「孫武所以能制勝於天下者，用法明也；是以揚干亂法，魏絳戮其僕。四海分裂，兵交方始，若復廢法，何用討賊邪！」

Su defied Liang's orders, fussed over every detail, left the waterline to camp on the heights, and would not descend to hold the town. Zhang He cut off his water, attacked, and shattered his force; the troops scattered. With no footing for advance, Liang withdrew more than a thousand households from Xixian and retreated to Hanzhong. He arrested Su, imprisoned him, and had him executed. Liang conducted the mourning in person, wept for him, comforted his orphaned children, and treated them with the same kindness as before. Jiang Wan said to Liang, "When Chu put Dechen to death, Duke Wen of Jin could hardly have been more pleased. The realm is still unsettled, and you execute a man of strategy—is that not a loss to mourn?" Liang said through tears, "Sun Wu prevailed because his law was clear. When Yang Gan broke discipline, Wei Jiang executed his servant. The realm is split and war has only begun—if we set the law aside, how can we hope to defeat the enemy?"

10

謖之未敗也，裨將軍巴西王平連規諫謖，謖不能用；及敗，眾盡星散，惟平所領千人鳴鼓自守，張郃疑其有伏兵，不往逼也，於是平徐徐收合諸營遺迸，率將士而還。亮既誅馬謖及將軍李盛，奪將軍黃襲等兵，平特見崇顯，加拜參軍，統五部兼當營事，進位討寇將軍，封亭侯。亮上疏請自貶三等，漢主以亮為右將軍，行丞相事。

Before the defeat, Lieutenant General Wang Ping of Baxi had urged Su again and again, but Su would not listen. When defeat came the army scattered; only Ping's thousand men beat drums and held formation. Zhang He suspected an ambush and held back, and Ping was able to gather the stragglers from the camps and lead his men home. After Liang executed Ma Su and General Li Sheng and stripped Huang Xi and others of command, Ping alone was singled out for honor: he was made staff officer, given command of five divisions and camp duties, promoted to General Who Punishes Bandits, and enfeoffed as a district marquis. Liang memorialized to demote himself three ranks; the Han ruler named him Right General with authority to act as chancellor.

11

是時趙雲、鄧芝兵亦敗於箕谷，雲斂眾固守，故不大傷，雲亦坐貶為鎮軍將軍。亮問鄧芝曰：「街亭軍退，兵將不復相錄，箕谷軍退，兵將初不相失，何故？」芝曰：「趙雲身自斷後，軍資什物，略無所棄，兵將無緣相失。」雲有軍資餘絹，亮使分賜將士，雲曰：「軍事無利，何為有賜！其物請悉入赤岸庫，須十月為冬賜。」亮大善之。

Meanwhile Zhao Yun and Deng Zhi were also beaten at Jigu; Yun rallied his men and held fast, so casualties stayed light, but he too was demoted to General Who Stabilizes the Army. Liang asked Deng Zhi, "At Jieting the retreating troops could not keep formation, yet at Jigu they never lost contact—why?" Zhi said, "Zhao Yun covered the rear in person; stores and equipment were scarcely abandoned, so the ranks never broke apart." Yun still held surplus silk from the campaign stores; Liang ordered it distributed among the troops. Yun said, "The campaign brought no gain—why distribute rewards? Put it all in the Chibi storehouse and issue it in the tenth month as the winter allowance." Liang was deeply pleased.

12

或勸亮更發兵者，亮曰：「大軍在祁山、箕谷，皆多於賊，而不破賊，乃為賊所破，此病不在兵少也，在一人耳。今欲減兵省將，明罰思過，校變通之道於將來；若不能然者，雖兵多何益！自今已後，諸有忠慮於國，但勤攻吾之闕，則事可定，賊可死，功可蹺足而待矣。」於是考微勞，甄壯烈，引咎責躬，布所失於境內，厲兵講武，以為後圖，戎士簡練，民忘其敗矣。

Some urged Liang to march again. He said, "At Qishan and Jigu our forces outnumbered the enemy, yet we failed to beat them and were beaten instead—the fault lies not in numbers but in one man. I mean to trim the army, clarify discipline, reflect on our errors, and work out better methods for what lies ahead. If we cannot, more troops will do no good. From now on, whoever is loyal to the state should press hard on my faults; then the cause can be settled, the enemy destroyed, and success won in a single stride." He then reviewed minor services, honored the brave, took blame on himself, published his failures throughout the realm, drilled the army, and planned ahead; the troops were honed and the people soon forgot the defeat.

13

亮之出祁山也，天水參軍姜維詣亮降。亮美維膽智，闢為倉曹掾，使典軍事。

When Liang marched on Qishan, Tianshui staff officer Jiang Wei came over to him. Liang admired Wei's courage and wit, made him Registrar of the Granary Bureau, and put him in charge of military affairs.

14

曹真討安定等三郡，皆平。真以諸葛亮懲於祁山，後必出從陳倉，乃使將軍郝昭等守陳倉，治其城。

Cao Zhen subdued Anding and the other two commanderies and restored order. Zhen expected that Liang, stung by Qishan, would next strike through Chencang; he sent Hao Zhao and others to hold the place and repair its walls.

15

3夏，四月，丁酉，帝還洛陽。

3. In summer, the fourth month, on dingyou the emperor returned to Luoyang.

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4帝以燕國徐邈為涼州刺史。邈務農積穀，立學明訓，進善黜惡，與羌、胡從事，不問小過；若犯大罪，先告〔部〕( 都) 帥都) 帥據章校及《魏志．徐邈傳》改。，使知應死者，乃斬以徇。由是服其威信，州界肅清。

4. The emperor appointed Xu Miao of Yan province Inspector of Liang. Miao promoted farming and grain reserves, founded schools and clear instruction, advanced the worthy and removed the wicked, worked with the Qiang and Hu, and overlooked petty faults. For grave offenses he first informed the [tribal] [ capital] chieftain) capital] chieftain)³ chieftain: emended per Zhang's collation and the Biography of Xu Miao in the History of Wei. Let the chieftain know who deserved death, and only then executed the offender as a public warning. They submitted to his authority, and the province was brought to order.

17

5五月，大旱。

5. In the fifth month there was a severe drought.

18

6吳王使鄱陽太守周魴密求山中舊族名帥為北方所聞知者，令譎挑揚州牧曹休。魴曰：「民帥小丑，不足杖任，事或漏洩，不能致休。乞遣親人繼箋以誘休，言被譴懼誅，欲以郡降北，求兵應接。」吳王許之。時頻有郎官詣魴詰問諸事，魴因詣郡門下，下發謝。休聞之，率步騎十萬向皖以應魴；帝又使司馬懿向江陵，賈逵向東關，三道俱進。

6. The King of Wu had Poyang Administrator Zhou Fang secretly recruit mountain clan leaders whose names were known in the north, to lure and provoke Yang Province Governor Cao Xiu. Fang said, "These local chiefs are small fry—not fit for the task; word might leak and we would fail to draw Xiu out. Send my kinsman Ji Jian to bait Xiu—say I have been censured and fear death, wish to surrender the commandery to Wei, and need troops to receive me." The King of Wu agreed. Court envoys kept coming to question Fang; he went to the commandery gate and issued a letter of apology. When Xiu heard, he led one hundred thousand foot and horse toward Wan to answer Fang. The emperor also sent Sima Yi toward Jiangling and Jia Kui toward Dong Pass—the three columns advanced together.

19

秋，八月，吳王至皖，以陸遜為大都督，假黃鉞，親執鞭以見之；以朱桓、全琮為左右督，各督三萬人以擊休。休知見欺，而恃其眾，欲遂與吳戰。朱桓言於吳王曰：「休本以親戚見任，非智勇名將也。今戰必敗，敗必走，走當由夾石、掛車。此兩道皆險厄，若以萬兵柴路，則彼眾可盡，休可生虜。臣請將所部以斷之，若蒙天威，得以休自效，便可乘勝長驅，進取壽春，割有淮南，以規許、洛，此萬世一時，不可失時！」權以問陸遜，遜以為不可，乃止。

In autumn, the eighth month, the King of Wu reached Wan, made Lu Xun supreme commander with the golden axe, and received him in person with whip in hand. He made Zhu Huan and Quan Cong left and right commanders, each with thirty thousand men to strike Xiu. Xiu knew he had been tricked, but trusting his numbers he meant to fight Wu anyway. Zhu Huan told the king, "Xiu holds command only through kinship—he is no master of strategy or valor. Fight now and he will lose; lose and he will flee—and his retreat must pass Jia Rock and Gua Cart. Both passes are narrow and deadly; block them with ten thousand men and we can destroy his army and take Xiu alive. Let me take my command and seal the passes—if Heaven favors us and we capture Xiu, we can drive on to Shouchun, seize Huainan, and threaten Xu and Luoyang. Such a chance comes once in an age—we must not miss it!" Sun Quan asked Lu Xun, who advised against it, and the plan was dropped.

20

尚書蔣濟上疏曰：「休深入虜地，與權精兵對，而朱然等在上流，乘休後，臣未見其利也。」前將軍滿寵上疏曰：「曹休雖明果而希用兵，今所從道，背湖旁江，易進難退，此兵之絓地也。若入無強口，寵深為之備！」寵表未報，休與陸遜戰於石亭。遜自為中部，令朱桓、全琮為左右翼，三道俱進，衝休伏兵，因驅走之，追亡逐北，逕至夾石，斬獲萬餘，牛馬騾驢車乘萬兩，軍資器械略盡。

Minister Jiang Ji memorialized, "Xiu has marched deep into enemy ground to face Sun Quan's elite, while Zhu Ran and others wait upstream to strike his rear—I see no advantage in this." Forward General Man Chong wrote, "Cao Xiu is capable but rarely campaigns; his route runs with a lake behind and a river beside—easy to enter, hard to leave. That is what the classics call entangling ground. If he advances without securing his line of retreat, I shall make every preparation against him!" Before a reply came, Xiu met Lu Xun at Shiting. Xun held the center with Zhu Huan and Quan Cong on the wings; all three columns struck together, broke Xiu's ambush, and routed him. They pursued to Jia Rock, killing or capturing more than ten thousand men and seizing ten thousand teams of draft animals with wagons; arms and supplies were nearly all lost.

21

初，休表求深入以應周魴，帝命賈逵引兵東與休合。逵曰：「賊無東關之備，必並軍於皖，休深入與賊戰，必敗。」乃部署諸將，水陸並進，行二百里，獲吳人，言休戰敗，吳遺兵斷夾石。諸將不知所出，或欲待後軍，逵曰：「休兵敗於外，路絕於內，進不能戰，退不得還，安危之機，不及終日。賊以軍無後繼，故至此，今疾進，出其不意，此所謂先人以奪其心也，賊見吾兵必走。若待後軍，賊已斷險，兵雖多何益！」乃兼道進軍，多設旗鼓為疑兵。吳人望見逵軍，驚走，休乃得還。逵據夾石，以兵糧給休，休軍乃振。初，逵與休不善，及休敗，賴逵以免。

Earlier Xiu had asked leave to advance deep to answer Zhou Fang; the emperor ordered Jia Kui east to join him. Kui said, "The enemy has left Dong Pass unguarded—they will mass at Wan. Xiu has marched deep to fight them and will surely lose." He deployed his generals and advanced by land and water. After two hundred li they captured a Wu soldier who reported Xiu's defeat and that Wu had left troops to block Jia Rock. The generals were at a loss; some wanted to wait for reinforcements. Kui said, "Xiu is beaten in the field and his retreat is cut—he cannot fight forward or withdraw. The crisis will not wait a day. They came because they thought we had no reserves. March hard now and take them unawares—that is seizing the initiative. When they see us they will run. Wait for reinforcements and they will already hold the passes—then numbers will do no good!" He then marched by parallel routes, raising many banners and drums as a show of force. When the Wu soldiers saw Kui's army they fled in alarm, and Xiu was able to get home. Kui held Jia Rock and sent Xiu provisions and reinforcements, and Xiu's army recovered. Kui and Xiu had never been close, but when Xiu was beaten he owed his escape to Kui.

22

7九月，乙酉，立皇子穆為繁陽王。

7. In the ninth month, on the day Yiyou, the emperor made his son Prince Mu prince of Fanyang.

23

8長平壯侯曹休上書謝罪，帝以宗室不問。休慚憤，疽發於背，庚子，卒。帝以滿寵都督揚州以代之。

8. Cao Xiu, Marquis Zhuang of Changping, submitted a letter of apology; the emperor did not pursue the matter, treating him as kin. Shamed and embittered, Xiu developed a festering sore on his back and died on the day Gengzi. The emperor put Man Chong in charge of Yang Province in his place.

24

9護烏桓校尉田豫擊鮮卑郁築鞬，郁築鞬妻父軻比能救之，以三萬騎圍豫於馬城。上谷太守閻志，柔之弟也，素為鮮卑所信，往解諭之，乃解圍去。

9. Tian Yu, Colonel Protecting the Wuhuan, attacked the Xianbei leader Yuzhujian. Yuzhujian's father-in-law Kebineng came to the rescue with thirty thousand horsemen and besieged Yu at Machecheng. Yan Zhi, Administrator of Shanggu and Yan Rou's younger brother, was trusted by the Xianbei; he went to persuade them, and they raised the siege and left.

25

10冬，十一月，蘭陵成侯王朗卒。

10. In winter, the eleventh month, Wang Lang, Marquis of Lanling, died.

26

11漢諸葛亮聞曹休敗，魏兵東下，關中虛弱，欲出兵擊魏，群臣多以為疑。亮上言於漢主曰：「先帝深慮以漢、賊不兩立，王業不偏安，故託臣以討賊。以先帝之明，量臣之才，固當知臣伐賊，才弱敵強；然不伐賊，王業亦亡，惟坐而待亡，孰與伐之！是故託臣而弗疑也。臣受命之日，寢不安席，食不甘味，思惟北征，宜先入南，故五月渡瀘，深入不毛。臣非不自惜也，顧王業不可偏全於蜀都，故冒危難以奉先帝之遺意也，而議者以為非計。今賊適疲於西，又務於東，兵法乘勞，此進趨之時也。謹陳其事如左：高帝明並日月，謀臣淵深，然涉險被創，危然後安。今陛下未及高帝，謀臣不如良、平，而欲以長計取勝，坐定天下，此臣之未解一也。劉繇、王朗各據州郡，論安言計，動引聖人，群疑滿腹，眾難塞胸，今歲不戰，明年不征，使孫策坐大，遂並江東，此臣之未解二也。曹操智計殊絕於人，其用兵也，彷彿孫、吳，然困於南陽，險於烏巢，危於祁連，逼於黎陽，幾敗伯山，殆死潼關，然後偽定一時耳；況臣才弱，而欲以不危而定之，此臣之未解三也。曹操五攻昌霸不下，四越巢湖不成，任用李服而李服圖之，委夏侯而夏侯敗亡；先帝每稱操為能，猶有此失，況臣駑馭，何能必勝！此臣之未解四也。自臣到漢中，中間期年耳，然喪趙雲、陽群、馬玉、閻芝、丁立、白壽、劉郃、鄧銅等及曲長、屯將七十餘人，突將、無前、賨叟、青羌、散騎、武騎一千餘人，皆數十年之內，糾合四方之精銳，非一州之所有；若複數年，則損三分之二，當何以圖敵！此臣之未解五也。今民窮兵疲，而事不可息，事不可息，則住與行，勞費正等，而不及虛圖之，欲以一州之地與賊支久，此臣之未解六也。夫難平者事也，昔先帝敗軍於楚，當此時，曹操拊手，謂天下已定。然後先帝東連吳、越，西取巴、蜀，舉兵北征，夏侯授首，此操之失計而漢事將成也。然後吳更違盟，關羽毀敗，秭歸蹉跌，曹丕稱帝。凡事如是，難可逆見。臣鞠躬盡力，死而後已，至於成敗利鈍，非臣之明所能逆睹也。」

11. Zhuge Liang heard that Cao Xiu had been beaten, that Wei was sending troops east, and that Guanzhong was weak. He wanted to march against Wei, but most of the court was skeptical. Liang wrote the Han emperor: "The late Emperor deeply considered that Han and the rebels cannot both endure, that an empire cannot rest in half a kingdom, and therefore entrusted me with punishing the rebels. The late Emperor knew my limits: in attacking the rebels my strength was weak and the enemy's was great; yet if we do not attack them the enterprise will fail all the same. Is it better to sit and wait for ruin, or to fight? That is why he entrusted me without hesitation. From the day I took up this charge I could not sleep or eat in peace. A northern campaign required securing the south first, so in the fifth month I crossed the Lu River and marched deep into unclaimed wilderness. I did not fail to value my own life, but the enterprise could not be secured from Chengdu alone, so I braved hardship to carry out the late Emperor's intent—and critics called it folly. Now the enemy is worn down in the west and tied down in the east. Strategy says strike a weary foe—this is the moment to advance. I respectfully lay out my case: Emperor Gao's wisdom was matchless and his advisers unmatched in depth, yet he still risked wounds in battle and found safety only through danger. Your Majesty has not Gao's gifts, nor advisers like Zhang Liang and Chen Ping, yet you would win by patient strategy and settle the realm without stirring. That is my first puzzle. Liu Yao and Wang Lang held their provinces, talked endlessly of strategy, cited sages at every turn, and filled their councils with doubt. Year after year without fighting let Sun Ce grow mighty until he held all east of the Yangzi. That is my second puzzle. Cao Cao's genius was beyond compare; in war he seemed to follow Sun Wu—yet he was trapped at Nanyang, endangered at Wuchao, imperiled at Qilian, pressed at Liyang, nearly defeated at Bowang, nearly killed at Tong Pass, and only then won a temporary hold on power; How then can I, whose talent is feeble, hope to settle things without risk? That is my third puzzle. Cao Cao attacked Chang Ba five times without success, crossed Chao Lake four times without result, trusted Li Fu who turned on him, and relied on Xiahou who was routed and lost; The late Emperor praised Cao's ability, yet even he suffered such reverses—how can I, slow and weak, guarantee victory? That is my fourth puzzle. In barely a year since I reached Hanzhong we have lost Zhao Yun, Yang Qun, Ma Yu, Yan Zhi, Ding Li, Bai Shou, Liu He, Deng Tong, and more than seventy company and garrison leaders, and over a thousand of our best shock troops, vanguard fighters, Cong levies, Qingqiang horsemen, and guard cavalry—elite men gathered from across the realm over decades, not the product of one province alone; Wait a few more years and we will lose two-thirds of them—how then can we face the enemy? That is my fifth puzzle. The people are drained and the army worn, yet the task cannot pause. If it cannot pause, staying put costs as much as marching, yet critics would idly wait while we try to sustain a long war against the enemy from one province alone. That is my sixth puzzle. Success is never assured. When the late Emperor lost at Chu, Cao Cao clapped his hands and said the realm was won. Then the late Emperor allied with Wu and Yue in the east, took Ba and Shu in the west, marched north, and Xiahou lost his head—Cao's mistake, and Han's cause nearly fulfilled. Then Wu broke faith again, Guan Yu was destroyed, we stumbled at Zigui, and Cao Pi declared himself emperor. All affairs are like this—outcomes cannot be foreseen. I will bend every effort until death; success or failure lies beyond what I can foretell."

27

十二月，亮引兵出散關，圍陳倉，陳倉已有備，亮不能克。亮使郝昭鄉人靳詳於城外遙說昭，昭於樓上應之曰：「魏家科法，卿所練也；我之為人，卿所知也。我受國恩多而門戶重，卿無可言者，但有必死耳。卿還謝諸葛，便可攻也。」詳以昭語告亮，亮又使詳重說昭，言「人兵不敵，〔無為〕空自破滅。」昭謂詳曰：「前言已定矣，我識卿耳，箭不識也。」詳乃去。亮自以有眾數萬，而昭兵才千餘人，又度東救未能便到，乃進兵攻昭，起雲梯衝車以臨城。昭於是以火箭逆射其梯，梯燃，梯上人皆燒死；昭又以繩連石磨壓其衝車，衝車折。亮乃更為井闌百尺以射城中，以土丸填塹，欲直攀城，昭又於內築重牆。亮又為地突，欲踴出於城裡，昭又於城內穿地橫截之。晝夜相攻拒二十餘日。

In the twelfth month Liang marched through San Pass and besieged Chencang, but the city was ready and he could not take it. Liang sent Hao Zhao's fellow townsman Jin Xin to reason with him from outside the walls. Zhao answered from the tower: "You know Wei's military code; you know what sort of man I am. I owe the state much and my family stands high—I have nothing to hear from you, only death to give. Go back and tell Zhuge he may attack whenever he likes." “End of editorial note.”⁴ Zhao told Xin, "My mind is made up. I know you—but my arrows do not." Xin withdrew. Liang thought he had tens of thousands against Zhao's thousand-odd men, and that eastern relief could not arrive in time, so he pressed the attack with cloud ladders and battering rams. Zhao fired flaming arrows at the ladders; they caught fire and the men on them burned to death; Zhao also dropped millstones on ropes to smash the battering rams. Liang built hundred-foot siege towers to shoot into the city, filled the moat with earth, and tried to scale the walls directly; Zhao built inner walls within the city. Liang dug tunnels to burst into the city; Zhao dug counter-tunnels to cut them off. For more than twenty days they fought day and night.

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曹真遣將軍費耀等救之。帝召張郃于方城，使擊亮。帝自幸河南城，置酒送郃，問郃曰：「遲將軍到，亮得無已得陳倉乎？」郃知亮深入無谷，屈指計曰：「比臣到，亮已走矣。」郃晨夜進道，未至，亮糧盡，引去。將軍王雙追之，亮擊斬雙。詔賜郝昭爵關內侯。

Cao Zhen sent General Fei Yao and others to the rescue. The emperor summoned Zhang He at Fangcheng and ordered him to attack Liang. The emperor went in person to Henancheng, held a farewell feast for He, and asked: "If you arrive late, will Liang already have taken Chencang? He, knowing Liang had marched deep with no supplies, counted on his fingers and said, "By the time I arrive Liang will already have gone. He marched day and night, but before he arrived Liang's supplies ran out and he withdrew. General Wang Shuang pursued him; Liang attacked and killed Shuang. An edict made Hao Zhao Marquis within the Passes.

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12初，公孫康卒，子晃、淵等皆幼，官屬立其弟恭。恭劣弱，不能治國，淵既長，脅奪恭位，上書言狀。侍中劉曄曰：「公孫氏漢時所用，遂世官相承，水則由海，陸則阻山，外連胡夷，絕遠難制。而世權日久，今若不誅，後必生患。若懷貳阻兵，然後致誅，於事為難。不如因其新立，有黨有仇，先其不意，以兵臨之，開設賞募，可不勞師而定也。」帝不從，拜淵揚烈將軍、遼東太守。

12. Earlier Gongsun Kang died; his sons Huang and Yuan were still young, and his officials made his younger brother Gong ruler. Gong was weak and could not rule; when Yuan came of age he forced Gong aside, seized power, and reported the matter to the court. Attendant Liu Ye said, "The Gongsuns have held hereditary office since Han times; by sea they reach the ocean, by land mountains block the way, and they border barbarian lands—remote and hard to control. Their power has lasted generations; if we do not act now, trouble will follow. Wait until they turn disloyal and raise troops, and punishment becomes far harder. Better strike while the regime is new and factions and grudges still divide them—surprise them with troops and offer rewards, and the region can be settled without a long campaign." The emperor refused and made Yuan General Who Displays Martial Might and Administrator of Liaodong.

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13吳王以揚州牧呂範為大司馬，印綬未下而卒。初，孫策使範典財計，時吳王年少，私從有求，範必關白，不敢專許，當時以此見望。吳王守陽羨長，有所私用，策或料覆，功曹周谷輒為傅著簿書，使無譴問，王臨時悅之。及後統事，以範忠誠，厚見信任，以谷能欺更簿書，不用也。

13. Sun Quan appointed Lu Fan, Governor of Yang Province, Grand Marshal, but Fan died before the seal arrived. Earlier Sun Ce had put Fan in charge of finances. Sun Quan was then young and often made private requests; Fan always reported them and never granted them on his own, and was respected for it. When Sun Quan was magistrate of Yangxian he spent public funds privately; if Sun Ce audited the books, Chief Clerk Zhou Gu falsified the ledgers to avoid trouble, and Sun Quan was pleased at the time. Later, when he took power, he trusted Fan deeply for his loyalty but dismissed Gu for his talent at falsifying accounts.

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1春，漢諸葛亮遣其將陳〔式〕( 戒) 攻武都、陰平二郡戒) 攻武都陰平二郡據《蜀志．後主傳》改。，雍州刺史郭淮引兵救之。亮自出建威，淮退，亮遂拔二郡以歸；漢主復策拜亮為丞相。

1. In spring Zhuge Liang sent his general Chen [Shi]( Jie) Jie)⁵ the attack on Wudu and Yinping emended according to the Biography of the Later Lord in the History of Shu. [End editorial note.] Guo Huai, Inspector of Yong Province, marched to the rescue. Liang marched out to Jianwei in person; Huai withdrew, and Liang took both commanderies and returned; the Han emperor again appointed Liang chancellor by decree.

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2夏，四月，丙申，吳王即皇帝位，大赦，改元黃龍。百官畢會，吳主歸功周瑜。綏遠將軍張昭舉笏欲褒贊功德，未及言，吳主曰：「如張公之計，今已乞食矣。」昭大慚，伏地流汗。吳主追尊父堅為武烈皇帝，〔廟號始祖〕；兄策為長沙桓王，立子登為皇太子，封長沙桓王子紹為吳侯。以諸葛恪為太子左輔，張休為右弼，顧譚為輔正、陳表為翼正都尉，而謝景、范慎、羊衜等皆為賓客，於是東宮號為多士。太子使侍中胡綜作《賓友目》曰：「英才卓越，超逾倫匹，則諸葛恪；精識時機，達幽究微，則顧譚；凝辯宏達，言能釋結，則謝景；究學甄微，游夏同科，則范慎。」羊衜私駁綜曰：「元遜才而疏，子嘿精而很，叔發辯而浮，孝敬深而狹。」衜卒以此言為恪等所惡，其後四人皆敗，如衜所言。

2. In summer, the fourth month, on the day Bingshen, Sun Quan declared himself emperor, proclaimed a general amnesty, and changed the era name to Huanglong. All officials assembled, and Sun Quan credited Zhou Yu with the achievement. General Zhang Zhao raised his tablet to praise Sun Quan's merit, but before he could speak Sun Quan said, "By your plan, Master Zhang, we would now be begging for food. Zhao was deeply ashamed and prostrated himself, drenched in sweat. End of editorial note;⁶ honored his elder brother Sun Ce as Prince Huan of Changsha, made his son Sun Deng crown prince, and enfeoffed Sun Ce's son Shao as Marquis of Wu. He made Zhuge Ke left assistant to the crown prince, Zhang Xiu right assistant, Gu Tan assistant rectifier and Chen Biao wing rectifier commandant, while Xie Jing, Fan Shen, Yang Tong, and others served as guests of the heir, and the Eastern Palace was said to abound in talent. The crown prince had Attendant Hu Zong compose a Catalogue of Guests and Friends, saying: "For outstanding talent surpassing all peers, there is Zhuge Ke; for keen insight into the times and mastery of hidden depths, there is Gu Tan; for concentrated eloquence, broad understanding, and speech that resolves knots, there is Xie Jing; for exhaustive study and refined discernment, equal to Ziyou and Zixia, there is Fan Shen." Yang Tong privately rebutted Zong: "Yuansun is talented but careless; Zimo is keen but harsh; Shufa is eloquent but shallow; Xiaojing is deep but narrow. Tong was hated by Ke and the others for this; afterward all four fell from grace, just as he had predicted.

33

吳主使以並尊二帝之議往告于漢。漢人以為交之無益而名體弗順，宜顯明正義，絕其盟好。丞相亮曰：「權有僭逆之心久矣，國家所以略其釁情者，求掎角之援也。今若加顯絕，仇我必深，更當移兵東戍，與之角力，須併其土，乃議中原。彼賢才尚多，將相輯穆，未可一朝定也。頓兵相守，坐而須老，使北賊得計，非算之上者。昔孝文卑辭匈奴，先帝伏與吳盟，皆應權通變，深思遠益，非若匹夫之忿者也。今議者咸以權利在鼎足，不能並力，且志望已滿，無上岸之情，推此，皆似是而非也。何者？其智力不侔，故限江自保。權之不能越江，猶魏賊之不能渡漢，非力有餘，而利不取也。若大軍致討，彼高當分裂其地以為後規，下當略民廣境，示武於內，非端坐者也。若就其不動而睦於我，我之北伐，無東顧憂，河南之眾不得盡西，此之為利，亦已深矣。權僭逆之罪，未宜明也。」乃遣衛尉陳震使於吳，賀稱尊號。吳主與漢人盟，約中分天下，以豫、青、徐、幽屬吳，兗、冀、并、涼屬漢，其司州之土，以函谷關為界。

Sun Quan sent envoys to Han with the proposal that both states honor each other as imperial equals. Han officials thought alliance brought no gain and the ritual order was violated; they argued that righteousness should be declared and the alliance severed. Chancellor Zhuge Liang said, "Sun Quan has long harbored rebellious intent; we overlook his offense only to gain an ally who can strike from another angle. Break openly with him now and his hatred will deepen; we would have to shift troops east to fight him, and only after conquering his lands could we turn to the Central Plains. They still have many able men, and their generals and ministers work in harmony—it cannot be settled quickly. To halt our armies in stalemate and grow old waiting while the northern enemy profits is no wise strategy. Emperor Xiaowen once spoke humbly to the Xiongnu, and the late Emperor bowed to alliance with Wu—both adapted to circumstance for long-term gain, not from petty anger. Critics say that with power divided three ways Sun Quan cannot combine strength with us, and that his ambition is already fulfilled with no wish to cross north—push that reasoning and it sounds plausible but is wrong. How so? Their wit and strength do not match ours, so they hold to the south of the river for self-preservation. Sun Quan's inability to cross the Yangzi is like the Wei enemy's inability to cross the Han—not because their strength is surplus, but because the advantage does not warrant the move. If a great army marched against them, their leaders would carve up territory for future advantage and their subordinates would raid the people to expand their borders and show martial prowess at home—they would not sit idle. If we accept their restraint and treat them as allies, our northern campaigns need fear no threat from the east, and the armies of Henan could not all be sent west—the gain would already be great. Sun Quan's crime of usurpation and rebellion should not yet be proclaimed openly." The court then sent Chen Zhen, Minister of Guard, as envoy to Wu to congratulate Sun Quan on his imperial title. Sun Quan allied with Han, agreeing to divide the realm: Yu, Qing, Xu, and You would belong to Wu; Yan, Ji, Bing, and Liang to Han; and the territory of Sizhou would be bounded by Hangu Pass.

34

張昭以老病上還官位及所統領，更拜輔吳將軍，班亞三司，改封婁侯，食邑萬戶。昭每朝見，辭氣壯厲，義形於色，曾以直言逆旨，中不進見。後漢使來，稱漢德美，而群臣莫能屈，吳主嘆曰：「使張公在坐，彼不折則廢，安復自誇乎！」明日，遣中使勞問，因請見昭，昭避席謝，吳主跪止之。昭坐定，仰曰：「昔太后、桓王不以老臣屬陛下，而以陛下屬老臣，是以思盡臣節以報厚恩，而意慮淺短，違逆盛旨。然臣愚心所以事國，志在忠益畢命而已；若乃變心易慮以偷榮取容，此臣所不能也！」吳主辭謝焉。

Zhang Zhao, pleading old age and illness, returned his office and command; he was reappointed General Who Assists Wu, ranked just below the Three Excellencies, re-enfeoffed as Marquis of Lou with a fief of ten thousand households. Whenever Zhang Zhao attended court his speech was forceful and righteous indignation showed on his face; once, after blunt words against the imperial will, he was for a time barred from audience. Later a Han envoy came praising Han's virtue, and none of the ministers could refute him. Sun Quan sighed: "If Elder Zhang were here, they would either be refuted or silenced—how could they boast again!" The next day he sent a palace messenger to console him and asked to see Zhang Zhao. Zhao left his seat to apologize; Sun Quan knelt to stop him. Once seated, Zhang Zhao looked up and said: "Formerly the Queen Dowager and King Huan did not entrust me to Your Majesty, but entrusted Your Majesty to me—therefore I mean to exhaust my loyalty to repay this great kindness; yet my thoughts are shallow, and I have violated Your Majesty's august intent. Yet the heart with which I serve the state aims only at loyal service unto death; If I were to change my heart and alter my purpose to steal glory and win favor—that I cannot do!" Sun Quan apologized to him.

35

3元城哀王禮卒。

3. Prince Ai of Yuancheng, Li, died.

36

4六月，癸卯，繁陽王穆卒。

4. In the sixth month, on the day Guimao, Prince Mu of Fanyang died.

37

5戊申，追尊高祖大長秋曰高皇帝，夫人吳氏曰高皇后。

5. On the day Wushen, the Emperor posthumously honored Grand Director of Palace Attendants the High Ancestor as Emperor Gao, and Lady Wu as Empress Gao.

38

6秋，七月，詔曰：「禮，王后無嗣，擇建支子以繼大宗，則當纂正統而奉公義，何得復顧私親哉！漢宣繼昭帝後，加悼考以皇號；哀帝以外籓援立，而董宏等稱引亡秦，惑誤時期，既尊恭皇，立廟京都，又宏籓妾，使比長信，敘昭穆於前殿，並四位於東宮，僭差無度，人神弗祐，而非罪師丹忠正之諫，用致丁、傅焚如之禍。自是之後，相踵行之。昔魯文逆祀，罪由夏父；宋國非度，譏在華元。其令公卿有司，深以前世行事為戒，後嗣萬一有由諸侯入奉大統，則當明為人後之義；敢為佞邪導諛時君，妄建非正之號以干正統，謂考為皇，稱妣為後，則股肱大臣誅之無赦。其書之金策，藏之宗廟，著于令典！」

6. In autumn, the seventh month, an edict said: "By ritual, when a queen has no heir, a collateral son is chosen to continue the major line—then one ought to succeed the orthodox succession and uphold public duty; how can one again attend to private kinship! Emperor Xuan of Han succeeded after Emperor Zhao and added the posthumous title of Emperor to his father, the late Zhao; Emperor Ai was raised from an outer fief, and Dong Hong and his allies cited the fallen Qin and misled the age; they honored the Respectful Emperor, built a temple in the capital, and promoted a fief concubine to rank with the Empress Dowager of Changxin, arranging ancestral order in the front hall and placing four seats in the Eastern Palace—usurpation beyond measure, unblessed by gods and men; yet they blamed not Shi Dan's loyal remonstrance, and thus brought the disaster in which the Ding and Fu clans burned like tinder. From then on, rulers one after another did the same. Formerly Duke Wen of Lu violated ritual sacrifice—the fault lay with Xia Fu; Song's improper measures drew censure upon Hua Yuan. Let the ministers and officials take past conduct as a deep warning; if a successor should ever enter from among the feudal lords to receive the great succession, then the meaning of becoming someone's heir ought to be made clear; Whoever dares to be sycophantic and flatter the ruler of the time, rashly establishing illegitimate titles to impinge on the orthodox succession—calling one's father 'emperor' and one's mother 'empress'—the chief ministers shall execute them without pardon. Let this be written on a golden covenant, stored in the ancestral temple, and recorded in the statutes!"

39

7九月，吳主遷都建業，皆因故府，不復增改，留太子登及尚書九官於武昌，使上大將軍陸遜輔太子，並掌荊州及豫章二郡事，董督軍國。

7. In the ninth month, Sun Quan moved the capital to Jianye, using the former offices without further additions or changes. He left Crown Prince Deng and the nine directors of the Masters of Writing at Wuchang, appointing Grand General Lu Xun to assist the Crown Prince and jointly manage Jing and Yuzhang, supervising military and state affairs.

40

南陽劉廙嘗著《先刑後禮論》，同郡謝景稱之於遜，遜呵景曰：「禮之長於刑久矣；廙以細辯而詭先聖之教，君今侍東宮，宜遵仁義以彰德音，若彼之談，不須講也！」

Liu Yi of Nanyang once wrote "On Punishment Before Ritual"; Xie Jing of the same commandery praised it to Lu Xun. Lu Xun rebuked Jing, saying: "Ritual has long surpassed punishment; Liu Yi uses petty argument to distort the teaching of the sages. You now attend the Eastern Palace and ought to follow benevolence and righteousness to manifest virtuous instruction—talk like his need not be discussed!"

41

太子與西陵都督步騭書，求見啟誨，騭於是條於時事業在荊州界者及諸僚吏行能以報之，因上疏獎勸曰：「臣聞人君不親小事，使百官有司各任其職，故舜命九賢，則無所用心，不下廟堂而天下治也。故賢人所在，折衝萬里，信國家之利器，崇替之所由也。願明太子重以經意，則天下幸甚！」

The Crown Prince wrote to Bu Zhi, Grand Administrator of Xiling, asking to meet him for instruction. Bu Zhi thereupon listed current affairs within Jing province and the conduct and ability of the various officials and staff to report to him, and submitted a memorial of encouragement, saying: "I have heard that a ruler does not personally attend to small matters but lets the hundred officials and functionaries each perform their duties—thus when Shun appointed the nine worthies, he had no need to apply his mind; without leaving the ancestral hall, the realm was governed. Where worthy men are stationed, they repel the enemy a thousand li away—they are truly the sharp weapon of the state, the source of rise and fall. I wish that the enlightened Crown Prince would greatly weigh these principles—then the realm would be greatly blessed!"

42

張紘還吳迎家，道病卒。臨困，授子〔靖〕留箋曰：「自古有國有家者，咸欲修德政以比隆盛世，至於其治，多不馨香，非無忠臣賢佐也，由主不勝其情，弗能用耳。夫人情憚難而趨易，好同而惡異，與治道相反。《傳》曰『從善如登，從惡如崩』，言善之難也。人君承奕世之基，據自然之勢，操八柄之威，甘易同之歡，無假敢於人，而忠臣挾難進之術，吐逆耳之言，其不合也，不亦宜乎！離則有釁，巧辯緣間，眩於小忠，戀於恩愛，賢愚雜錯，黜陟失敘，其所由來，情亂之也。故明君寤之，求賢如飢渴，受諫而不厭，抑情損欲，以義割恩，則上無偏謬之授，下無希冀之望矣！」吳主省書，為之流涕。

Zhang Hong was returning to Wu to fetch his family when he fell ill on the road and died. [End editorial note.] "Since ancient times every ruler of state or clan has wished to cultivate virtue to match a golden age; yet most found their rule lacked luster—not from want of loyal ministers, but because the ruler could not master his passions and would not heed them.⁷ Human nature fears difficulty and seeks ease, likes agreement and hates difference—opposite to the way of governance. The Commentary says, 'Following good is like climbing; following evil is like collapsing'—such is the difficulty of doing good. A ruler inherits a foundation passed through generations, holds a position of natural advantage, wields supreme authority, delights in the ease of agreement, and need fear no one—while loyal ministers carry methods hard to advance and speak words grating to the ear; that they do not accord—is this not fitting! Separation brings breach; clever argument follows the gap; dazzled by petty loyalty, attached to favor and affection, worthy and foolish are mixed, dismissal and promotion lose order—the source of this is the disorder of passion. Therefore the enlightened ruler awakens to this, seeks the worthy as if hungry and thirsty, receives remonstrance without weariness, restrains passion and reduces desire, and cuts affection by righteousness—then above there are no partial or mistaken appointments, and below there are no hopes of favor!" When Sun Quan read the letter, he wept.

43

8冬，十月，改平望觀曰聽充觀。帝常言：「獄者，天下之性命也。」每斷大獄，常詣觀臨聽之。初，魏文侯師李悝著《法經》六篇，商君受之以相秦。蕭何定《漢律》，益為九篇，後稍增至六十篇。又有《令》三百餘篇、《決事比》九百六卷，世有增損，錯糅無常，後人各為章句，馬、鄭諸儒十有餘家，以至於魏。所當用者合二萬六千二百七十二條，七百七十三萬餘言，覽者益難。帝乃詔但用鄭氏章句。尚書衛覬奏曰：「刑法者，國家之所貴重而私議之所輕賤；獄吏者，百姓之所縣命而選用者之所卑下。王政之敝，未必不由此也。請置律博士。」帝從之。又詔司空陳群、散騎常侍劉邵等刪約漢法，制《新律》十八篇，《州郡令》四十五篇，《尚書官令》、《軍中令》合百八十餘篇，於《正律》九篇為增，於旁章科令為省矣。

8. In winter, the tenth month, Pingwang Watchtower was renamed Tingchong Watchtower. The Emperor often said: "Prisons are the life-blood of the realm." Whenever he decided a major case, he would go to the watchtower to hear it in person. Earlier, Li Kui, teacher of Marquis Wen of Wei, wrote the six chapters of the Classic of Law; Lord Shang received it and became chancellor of Qin. Xiao He fixed the Han Code at nine chapters; later it gradually increased to sixty. There were also more than three hundred chapters of Ordinances and nine hundred six volumes of Precedents for Judgment; through the ages additions and deletions were made, mixed without fixed order, and later scholars each wrote commentaries—more than ten schools among the Ru of Ma and Zheng, down to Wei. What was to be applied totaled twenty-six thousand two hundred seventy-two articles and more than seven million seven hundred thirty thousand words—ever harder for readers to master. The Emperor then decreed that only the Zheng school commentaries be used. Minister of Works Wei Gui memorialized, saying: "Penal law is what the state holds in high esteem yet private discussion holds in low contempt; Prison officials are upon whom the common people hang their lives, yet those who select them hold them in low esteem. The defects of royal governance may well arise from this. I request that Doctor of Law posts be established." The Emperor assented. He also decreed that Chen Qun, Minister of Works, Liu Shao, Regular Palace Attendant, and the like abridge and reduce the Han code, drafting eighteen chapters of the New Code, forty-five chapters of Commandery and Prefecture Ordinances, and more than one hundred eighty chapters combined of Ordinances for Masters of Writing and Ordinances for the Army—increasing upon the nine chapters of the Main Code and reducing the supplementary chapters and ordinances.

44

9十一月，洛陽廟成，迎高、太、武、文四神主於鄴。

9. In the eleventh month, the Luoyang temple was completed; the spirit tablets of the four ancestors Gao, Tai, Wu, and Wen were brought from Ye.

45

10十二月，雍丘王植徙封東河。

10. In the twelfth month, Prince Zhi of Yongqiu was transferred and enfeoffed as Prince of Donghe.

46

11漢丞相亮徙府營於南山下原上，築漢城於沔陽，築樂城於成固。

11. Han Chancellor Zhuge Liang moved his headquarters camp to the plain below the southern mountains, built Hancheng at Mianyang, and built Lecheng at Chenggu.

47

1春，〔正月〕，吳主使將軍衛溫、諸葛直將甲士萬人，浮海求夷洲、但洲，欲俘其民以益眾。陸遜、全琮皆諫，以為：「桓王創基，兵不一旅。今江東見眾，自足圖事，不當遠涉不毛，萬里襲人，風波難測。又民易水土，必致疾疫，欲益更損，欲利反害。且其民猶禽獸，得之不足濟事，無之不足虧眾。」吳主不聽。

[End editorial note.] Sun Quan sent Generals Wei Wen and Zhuge Zhi with ten thousand armored men to sail the sea in search of Yizhou and Danzhou, intending to seize their people to augment his forces.⁸ Lu Xun and Quan Cong both remonstrated, saying: "King Huan laid the foundation with not even a full brigade. Now the forces visible in Jiangdong are sufficient to pursue our plans—we ought not to venture far across barren seas ten thousand li to raid others, with winds and waves impossible to predict. Moreover the people easily fall ill from change of climate and water, surely bringing pestilence—seeking increase yet suffering loss, seeking profit yet meeting harm. Moreover their people are like birds and beasts—gaining them would not suffice to accomplish the task, and lacking them would not diminish our forces." Sun Quan would not listen.

48

2尚書琅邪諸葛誕、中書郎南陽鄧颺等相與結為黨友，更相題表，以散騎常侍夏侯玄等四人為四聰，誕輩八人為八達。玄，尚之子也。中書監劉放子熙，中書令孫資子密，吏部尚書衛臻子烈，三人咸不及比，以其父居勢位，容之為三豫。

2. Zhuge Dan of Langye, Minister of Works, Deng Yang of Nanyang, Palace Secretariat Gentleman, and their allies formed a clique, praising one another in turn, calling the four Regular Palace Attendants including Xiahou Xuan the Four Keen, and the eight of Dan's faction the Eight Reach. Xuan was the son of Xiahou Shang. Liu Fang's son Xi, Supervisor of the Palace Secretariat, Sun Zi's son Mi, Director of the Palace Secretariat, and Wei Zhen's son Lie, Minister of Personnel—the three were not comparable to the others, yet because their fathers held power and position, they were tolerated as the Three At Ease.

49

行司徒事董昭上疏曰：「凡有天下者，莫不貴尚敦樸忠信之士，深疾虛偽不真之人者，以其毀教亂治，敗俗傷化也。近魏諷伏誅建安之末，曹偉斬戮黃初之始。伏惟前後聖詔，深疾浮偽，欲以破散邪黨，常用切齒；而執法之吏，皆畏其權勢，莫能糾擿，毀壞風俗，侵欲滋甚。竊見當今年少不復以學問為本，專更以交遊為業；國士不以孝悌清修為首，乃以趨勢游利為先。合黨連群，互相褒歎，以毀訾為罰戮，用黨譽為爵賞，附己者則歎之盈言，不附者則為作瑕釁。至乃相謂：『今世何憂不度邪，但求人道不勤，羅之下博耳；人何患其不知己，但當吞之以藥而柔調耳。』又聞或有使奴客名作在職家人，冒之出入，往來禁奧，交通書疏，有所探問。凡此諸事，皆法之所不取，刑之所不赦，雖諷、偉之罪，無以加也！」帝善其言。二月，壬年，詔曰：』世之質文，隨教而變。兵亂以來，經學廢絕，後生講趣，不由典謨。豈訓導未洽，將進用者不以德顯乎！其郎吏學通一經，才任牧民，博士課試，擢其高第者，亟用；其浮華不務道本者，罷退之！於是免誕、颺等官。

Dong Zhao, acting as Minister over the Masses, submitted a memorial, saying: "All who possess the realm honor plain, honest, and faithful men, and deeply hate false and insincere men—because they destroy teaching and disorder governance, ruin custom and harm transformation. Recently Wei Feng was executed at the end of the Jian'an era, and Cao Wei was beheaded at the beginning of the Huangchu era. I respectfully consider that former and latter sacred edicts deeply hated superficial falsity and wished to break up wicked cliques, often speaking with clenched teeth; Yet the officials who enforce the law all fear their power and influence and none can investigate and expose them—custom is ruined and encroachment grows ever worse. I have privately observed that the young of today no longer take learning as their foundation but devote themselves instead to socializing; Men of the realm do not put filial piety, brotherly duty, and pure conduct first, but rather rush after power and chase profit. They form cliques and link groups, praising one another; they treat slander as punishment and use clique praise as rank and reward—those who attach to them receive overflowing praise, and those who do not are given faults and breaches. They even say to one another: 'In this age what worry is there of not passing? One need only not be diligent in the way of men and cast a wide net—that is all; What worry has a man that others do not know him? One need only swallow it with medicine and soften and adjust.' Moreover I have heard that some make their slaves and retainers falsely register as active household members, impersonating them to come and go, passing in and out of forbidden precincts, exchanging letters and documents, and making inquiries. All such matters are what the law does not accept and punishment does not pardon—even the crimes of Feng and Wei could add nothing more!" The Emperor approved his words. In the second month, on the day Renwu, an edict said: 'The substance and ornament of the age change with teaching. Since the military chaos, classical learning has been abandoned; the young pursue interests not guided by the canonical plans. Is it that instruction and guidance have not pervaded, and those advanced and employed are not distinguished by virtue! Let palace gentlemen who have mastered one classic and whose talent fits governing the people be examined by the Doctors; select those of highest rank and employ them promptly; Those who are superficial and do not attend to the root of the Way—dismiss them!" Thereupon Dan, Yang, and the like were removed from office.

50

3夏，四月，定陵成侯鍾繇卒。

3. In summer, the fourth month, Marquis Cheng of Dingling, Zhong Yao, died.

51

4六月，戊子，太皇太后卞氏殂。秋，七月，葬武宣皇后。

4. In the sixth month, on the day Wuzi, Grand Empress Dowager Lady Bian died. In autumn, the seventh month, Empress Wu Xuan was buried.

52

5大司馬曹真以「〔蜀〕( 漢) 人數入寇漢) 人數入寇據《魏志．曹真傳》改。，請由斜谷伐之。諸將數道並進，可以大克。」帝從之，詔大將軍司馬懿溯漢水由西城入，與真會漢中，諸將或由子午谷、或由〔建〕( 武) 威入武) 威入據胡注改。。司空陳群諫曰：「太祖昔到陽平攻張魯，多收豆麥以益軍糧，魯未下而食猶乏。今既無所因，且斜谷阻險，難以進退，轉運必見鈔截，多留兵守要，則損戰士，不可不熟慮也。」帝從群議。真復表從子午道；群又陳其不便，並言軍事用度之計。詔以群議下真，真據之遂行。

5. Grand Minister of War Cao Zhen, citing "Shu ( Han) Han)⁹ Editorial note: In the phrase 'troops repeatedly raiding,' Sima Guang's original reading used 'Shu' rather than 'Han'; this has been emended according to the Biography of Cao Zhen in the Records of Wei. [End editorial note.]" he requested to attack by way of Xiegu. With several generals advancing on parallel routes, a crushing victory could be won." The Emperor agreed and ordered Grand General Sima Yi to ascend the Han River and enter by Xicheng, to rendezvous with Zhen at Hanzhong, while other generals were to move either through Ziwu Valley or through [Jian] ( Wu) Wu)¹⁰ Wei) to enter—the reading Jianwei is emended according to Hu Zan's commentary. End of editorial note. Director of Works Chen Qun remonstrated: "When the Grand Ancestor marched on Yangping to attack Zhang Lu, he requisitioned beans and wheat to fill the army's granaries—yet before Lu fell, provisions were already running short. Now we have no such base to draw on, and Xiegu is steep and treacherous—hard to advance and harder to retreat. Convoys will be cut off; garrison too many choke points and you strip the fighting line. This cannot be weighed too carefully." The Emperor accepted Qun's counsel. Zhen memorialized again, insisting on the Ziwu route; Qun again laid out the route's drawbacks and spelled out the cost of the campaign. The court forwarded Qun's objections to Zhen; Zhen held to his plan and marched anyway.

53

6八月，辛已，帝行東巡；乙未，如許昌。

6. In the eighth month, on the day Xinsi, the Emperor set out on an eastern tour; On the day Yiwei, he reached Xuchang.

54

7漢丞相亮聞魏兵至，次於成固赤板以待之。召李嚴使將二萬人赴漢中，表嚴子豐為江州都督，督軍典嚴後事。

7. When Chancellor Zhuge Liang learned that Wei forces were approaching, he halted at Chiban in Chenggu to await them. He summoned Li Yan with twenty thousand men to reinforce Hanzhong and memorialized to make Yan's son Feng inspector of Jiangzhou, to command troops and manage affairs in Yan's absence.

55

會天大雨三十餘日，棧道斷絕，太尉華歆上疏曰：「陛下以聖德當成、康之隆，願先留心於治道，以征伐為後事。為國者以民為基，民以衣食為本。使中國無饑寒之患，百姓無離上之心，則二賊之釁可坐而待也！」帝報曰：「賊憑恃山川，二祖勞於前世，猶不克平，朕豈敢自多，謂必滅之哉！諸將以為不一探取，無由自敝，是以觀兵以窺其釁。若天時未至，周武還師，乃前事之鑒，朕敬不忘所戒。」

Heavy rain fell for more than thirty days and the plank roads were washed out. Grand Commandant Hua Xin memorialized the throne: "Your Majesty's sage virtue matches the golden age of Kings Cheng and Kang. I beg you to fix your mind first on good government and leave campaigns for later. A state rests on its people; the people rest on food and clothing. If the heartland knows neither hunger nor cold, and the people never turn from their sovereign, the two rebels' openings will come to you while you sit at ease!" The Emperor answered: "The rebels hide behind mountains and rivers. Our two imperial forefathers strained themselves in earlier reigns and still could not finish them—how dare I boast that they must be destroyed! My generals argue that without some probing thrust the enemy will never wear themselves down—so we parade the army to test where they are vulnerable. If Heaven's season has not arrived, recall how King Wu of Zhou turned his army back—that is the lesson of history, and I do not forget the warning."

56

少府楊阜上疏曰：「昔武王白魚入舟，君臣變色，動得吉瑞，猶尚憂懼，況有災異而不戰竦者哉！今吳、蜀未平，而天屢降變，諸軍始進，便有天雨之患，稽閡山險，已積日矣。轉運之勞，擔負之苦，所費已多，若有不斷，必違本圖。《傳》曰：『見可而進，知難而退，軍之善政也。』徒使六軍困於山谷之間，進無所略，退又不得，非王兵之道也。」

Minor Treasurer Yang Fu memorialized the throne: "When King Wu's white fish leapt into the boat, lord and ministers turned pale. Though every omen he met was auspicious, he still feared what might come—how much more should we tremble at war when Heaven sends calamity after calamity! Wu and Shu are still unconquered, yet Heaven keeps sending portents. The armies had barely marched when the rains struck; hemmed in by mountain passes, they have been stalled for days on end. The labor of convoys and porters has already cost dearly. Without a clean decision now, the original design of the campaign will be lost. The Documents say: 'Advance when you see your opening; withdraw when you know the difficulty—that is sound military policy.' To leave the Six Armies penned in the mountains—nothing to take if they advance, no road if they retreat—is not the way of a royal army."

57

散騎常侍王肅王上疏曰：「前志有之：『千里饋糧，士有饑色，樵蘇後爨，師不宿飽，』此謂平塗之行軍者也；又況於深入阻險，鑿路而前，則其為勞必相百也。今又加之以霖雨，山板峻滑，眾迫而不展，糧遠而難繼，實行軍者之大忌也。聞曹真發已逾月而行裁半谷，治道功夫，戰士悉作。是賊偏得以逸待勞，乃兵家之所憚也。言之前代，則武王伐紂，出關而復還；論之近事，則武、文征權，臨江而不濟。豈非所謂順天知時，通於權變者哉！兆民知上聖以水雨艱劇之故，休而息之，後日有釁，乘而用之，則所謂悅以犯難，民忘其死者矣。」肅，朗之子也。

Attendant Cavalier Wang Su memorialized the throne: "The old books say, 'Supply grain from a thousand li away and your soldiers go hungry; woodcutters gather fuel only after the cooks have finished, and the army never sleeps on a full belly'—and that is for armies marching on level roads. How much worse when you drive deep into broken country and cut your way forward—the strain must be a hundred times greater. Add unending rain, planks slick on the cliffs, troops packed too tight to maneuver, and grain lines stretched too far to sustain—this is the gravest taboo for any army on the march. I hear Cao Zhen has been on the road more than a month and has barely crossed half a valley—every fighting man is still building the road. That lets the enemy wait fresh while our men wear themselves out—the very thing every strategist dreads. Look to antiquity: King Wu marched against Zhou, passed out of the Pass, and turned back; Look to recent times: Emperors Wu and Wen campaigned against Sun Quan, reached the river, and did not cross. Is that not what it means to follow Heaven, read the season, and know when to bend? Let the people see that their sage ruler, because rain and flood have made the road impossible, gives them rest. When the next opening comes, seize it—and then you will have what the books call men who delight in hardship and forget death." Su was the son of Wang Lang.

58

九月，詔曹真等班師。

In the ninth month, an edict recalled Cao Zhen and his army.

59

8冬，十月，乙卯，帝還洛陽。時左僕射徐宣總統留事，帝還，主者奏呈文書。帝曰：「吾省與僕射省何異！」竟不視。

8. In winter, the tenth month, on the day Yimao, the Emperor returned to Luoyang. Left Vice Director Xu Xuan had been left in charge of the capital. When the Emperor returned, the clerks brought forward the accumulated papers. The Emperor said, "What difference is there between my review and the Vice Director's?" In the end he did not look at them.

60

9十二月，〔辛未〕，改葬文昭皇后于朝陽陵。

[End editorial note.] Empress Wen Zhao was reburied at Chaoyang Tomb.¹¹

61

10吳主揚聲欲至合肥，征東將軍滿寵表召兗、豫諸軍皆集，吳尋退還，詔罷其兵。寵以為：「今賊大舉而還，非本意也，此必欲偽退以罷吾兵，而倒還乘虛，掩不備也。」表不罷兵，後十餘日，吳果更來。到合肥城，不克而還。

10. Sun Quan gave out that he meant to march on Hefei. Man Chong, General Who Subdues the East, memorialized to muster the armies of Yan and Yu. Wu soon withdrew, and an edict stood the troops down. Chong argued: "The enemy came in force and is withdrawing—that is not their real intent. They mean to feign retreat, get our troops dismissed, then wheel about and strike where we are unprepared." He memorialized against standing the troops down. More than ten days later Wu returned as he had predicted. They reached Hefei but could not take it and withdrew.

62

11漢丞相亮以蔣琬為長史。亮數外出，琬常足食兵，以相供給。亮每言：「公琰託志忠雅，當與吾共贊王業者也。」

11. Chancellor Zhuge Liang appointed Jiang Wan chief clerk. Whenever Liang took the field, Wan kept the army fed and the supply lines running. Liang often said, "Gongyan's heart is loyal and steady. He is the man to help me sustain the royal enterprise."

63

12青州人隱蕃逃奔入吳，上書於吳主曰：「臣聞紂為無道，微子先出；高祖寬明，陳平先入。臣年二十二，委棄封域，歸命有道，賴蒙天靈，得自全致。臣至止有日，而主者同之降人，未見精別，使臣微言妙旨不得上達，於邑三歎，曷惟其已！謹詣闕拜章，乞蒙引見。」吳主即召入，蕃進謝，答問及陳時務，甚有辭觀。侍中右領軍胡綜侍坐，吳主問：「何如？」綜對曰：「蕃上書大語有似東方朔，巧捷詭辯有似檷衡，而才皆不及。」吳主又問：「可堪何官？」綜對曰：「未可以治民，且試都輦小職。」吳主以蕃盛語刑獄，用為廷尉監。左將軍朱據、廷尉郝普數稱蕃有王佐之才，普尤與之親善，常怨嘆其屈。於是蕃門車馬雲集，賓客盈堂，自衛將軍全琮等皆傾心接待；惟羊衜及宣詔郎豫章楊迪拒絕不與通。潘濬子翥，亦與蕃周旋，饋餉之。濬聞，大怒，疏責翥曰：「吾受國厚恩，志報以命，爾輩在都，當念恭順，親賢慕善。何故與降虜交，以糧餉之！在遠聞此，心震面熱，惆悵累旬。疏到，急就往使受杖一百，促責所餉！」當時人咸怪之。頃之，蕃謀作亂於吳，事覺，亡走，捕得，伏誅。吳主切責郝普，普惶懼，自殺。朱據禁止，歷時乃解。

12. Yin Fan of Qing Province fled to Wu and memorialized Sun Quan: "I have heard that when Zhou lost the Way, Weizi left first; Emperor Gaozu was magnanimous and clear-sighted, and Chen Ping came over first. I am twenty-two. I abandoned my domain and submitted to a ruler who holds the Way. By Heaven's grace I have come through whole. I have been here only a few days, yet the officials treat me like any other defector and never look closely enough for my finer points to reach you. Three times I have sighed in frustration—when will it end! I respectfully come to the palace gate with this memorial and beg for an audience." Sun Quan summoned him at once. Fan entered to give thanks, answered questions, and spoke on current affairs with impressive eloquence and bearing. Attendant-in-Ordinary and Right Leader of the Guards Hu Zong sat with him. Sun Quan asked, "What do you think?" Zong answered, "In his memorial Fan's grand phrases recall Dongfang Shuo, and his quick, devious wit recalls Mi Heng—but in talent he falls short of both." Sun Quan asked again, "What office could he fill?" Zong answered, "He is not yet fit to govern the people. Try him first in some minor post at court." Because Fan spoke impressively on criminal matters, Sun Quan made him supervisor of the Court of Justice. Left General Zhu Ju and Court of Justice Director Hao Pu repeatedly praised Fan as a man with king-making talent. Pu was especially close to him and often lamented that his gifts were wasted. Soon chariots and horses crowded Fan's gate and guests filled his hall. From General of the Guard Quan Cong on down, men vied to receive him. Only Yang Tong and Palace Edict Officer Yang Di of Yuzhang refused to have anything to do with him. Pan Jun's son Xu also kept company with Fan and sent him gifts of food. Jun heard of it and was furious. In a memorial he rebuked Xu: "I owe the state a deep debt and mean to repay it with my life. You who are in the capital should be respectful, keep company with the worthy, and admire what is good. Why do you keep company with a surrendered captive and feed him! Hearing this from afar, my heart trembles and my face burns. I have brooded over it for days on end. When this memorial arrives, go at once and have the bearer beaten a hundred strokes, and demand back everything you sent!" People at the time all thought it strange. Before long Fan plotted rebellion in Wu. The plot was discovered; he fled, was captured, and executed. Sun Quan sharply rebuked Hao Pu. Terrified, Pu killed himself. Zhu Ju was placed under house arrest and was not released until a full year had passed.

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13武陵五溪蠻夷叛吳，吳主以南土清定，召交州剌史呂岱還屯長沙漚口。

13. The tribal peoples of the Five Streams in Wuling rebelled against Wu. Because the south was now quiet, Sun Quan recalled Lü Dai, inspector of Jiaozhou, to encamp at Oukou in Changsha.

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=校刊記=

= Collation Note = (editorial references section for variant readings and source citations in this volume)

卷71 魏紀三

Volume 71 Wei Records 3

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