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卷226 唐紀四十二

Volume 226 Tang Records 42

Chapter 226 of 資治通鑑 · Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Governance
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1
226
Comprehensive Mirror in Aid of Governance, Volume 226.
2
[Tang Annals 42] From the eighth month of the year jǐwèi (779) through the fifth month of the year gēngshēn (780)—a little more than one year in all.
3
Under Emperor Daizong, the Sagaciously Cultured, Filial, and Martial—the fourteenth year of the Dali era ( jǐwèi, corresponding to 779 CE).
4
In the eighth month, on the day jiachen, Yang Yan, adjutant of Daozhou, was appointed Vice Director of the Secretariat, and Qiao Lin, prefect of Huaizhou, was made Censor-in-Chief; both received the title of Junior Chancellor. The emperor was vigorously striving for good government and promoting men out of turn. When he consulted Cui Youfu about whom to appoint chancellor, Youfu recommended Yang Yan for his talent and ability; the emperor had long heard his name as well, and therefore recalled him from exile and put him in office. Lin was a native of Taiyuan, coarse and blunt by nature, fond of wit and banter, with no other special merit. He was friendly with Zhang She, who praised his talent as fit for high office, and the emperor trusted She’s recommendation and appointed him. Everyone who heard of it was astonished.
5
使使 使
During Emperor Daizong’s reign, Tibet sent envoys repeatedly to sue for peace, yet raids never ceased. Daizong detained every envoy—eight missions in all—and some grew old and died without ever returning home. Prisoners taken from Tibet were all exiled to the Yangtze and Lingnan regions. The new emperor wished to win them over with kindness. On the day yisi, Wei Lun, adjutant of Suizhou, was appointed Vice Minister of Imperial Ceremonies and sent to Tibet; all five hundred captives were gathered, each given a suit of clothing, and released to return home.
6
簿 退 使 使使 使
Harmony-Regulating Gentleman Shen Jiji submitted a memorial on the civil-service selection system, arguing: “The proper criteria for appointment are only three: virtue, talent, and meritorious service. Today the Selection Bureau pays attention to none of them. The methods of examination rest solely on written judgments, service records, manner of speech, and deportment. Slow gait and measured speech are not virtue. Ornate phrasing and elegant prose are not talent. Accumulated seniority and piled-up examination scores are not meritorious service. To rely on these criteria in seeking talent for the empire is plainly inadequate. People today are no longer rooted in their native places; one cannot rely on local reputation alone. No single office has a monopoly on clear judgment; one cannot leave everything to the Ministry of Personnel. I have carefully weighed past and present practice and submit that for officials of the fifth rank and above and for heads of major offices, the chancellors should advance nominations, with the Ministries of Personnel and War allowed to participate in deliberation. For officials of the sixth rank and below, or for aides and staff, let prefectures and districts be permitted to appoint them directly. If a governor, prefect, or military commander makes an improper appointment, the Ministries of Personnel and War should investigate and impeach him, punishing private favoritism. Those careless in their recommendations should face minor censure and demotion; in serious cases, punishment under the penal code. When responsibility is fixed and office conferred, who would dare not do his utmost! If this were done, the worthy would advance without needing encouragement, the unworthy would withdraw without needing suppression, all talent would be put to use, and every office would be well governed. Under the present system, talent is selected at the Ministry of Personnel and tested in office at the prefectural level. If talent and office do not match and disorder results, and one holds the prefect accountable, he says the appointee came from the Ministry of Personnel and he dares not dismiss him. If one holds the vice minister accountable, he says he measured written judgments and examination records when making the appointment and cannot be held responsible for what happens afterward. If one holds the clerk accountable, he says he acted according to the files and service records and knows nothing beyond that. The common people suffer for nothing—who bears the blame! If governors and prefects appoint their own men, guilt cannot be shifted elsewhere! If there is abuse at the prefectural level, replacing a single prefect will cure it. If there is abuse in the Ministry of Personnel, even replacing its vice minister will do no good. Talent is vast and cannot be fully known in advance; the system makes this inevitable—it is not the fault of the chief official. Today the military governors, training commissioners, observation commissioners, and tax commissioners of the various circuits all choose their own subordinates from adjutants and deputy generals downward; even allowing for occasional favoritism, on the whole seven out of ten appointments prove sound. The method of local appointment has already been tested in practice today—it has simply not yet been extended to the prefectural and county level. The balance of advantage and disadvantage is clear enough to see by comparison. If all these commissioners’ subordinates had to be appointed by the Selection Bureau, how could they have held the weight of a frontier command or administered abundant tax revenues!” Jiji was a native of Wu.
7
使
Earlier, Prince Cao Gao, prefect of Hengzhou, had a reputation for good governance. Xin Jinggao, observation commissioner of Hunan, resented him, trapped him on a legal pretext, and demoted him to prefect of Chaozhou. Yang Yan was then serving in Daozhou and knew him to be upright; when Yan became chancellor, he had Gao restored as prefect of Hengzhou. When Gao first faced false accusation in office, he thought of the Dowager Consort’s advanced age and feared to alarm or grieve her. When he went out he wore prisoner’s garb to answer the charge; when he came in he held his official tablet and wore his court insignia. Even after his demotion to Chaozhou he presented it to her as a transfer and came in to offer congratulations. Only now did he kneel, apologize, and tell her what had really happened. Gao was a great-great-grandson of Emperor Xuanzong.
8
使宿 退 宿使
After Li Huai’guang succeeded Guo Ziyi as military governor of Shuofang and Binning, the veteran generals of Bin prefecture—Shi Kang, Wen Ruya, Pang Xianhe, Zhang Xianming, and Li Guangyi—whose fame and achievements had always surpassed Huai’guang’s, were all resentful and refused to submit. Huai’guang mobilized troops for the autumn defense and encamped at Changwu Fort, but failed to advance or withdraw on schedule as ordered. Army supervisor Zhai Wenxiu urged Huai’guang to request that they be kept on palace guard duty. Huai’guang sent them off, but once they had left camp he had them pursued and seized on other trumped-up charges, saying: “The defeat at Huangfu was your fault!” and had them all put to death.
9
西
In the ninth month, on the day jiaxu, the Huaixi circuit was renamed Huaining.
10
西使 使
Cui Ning, military governor of Xichuan and Junior Chancellor, had ruled Shu for more than ten years. Relying on the region’s rugged terrain and strong army, he indulged in extravagance at will. The court was troubled by him but could not replace him. At this time he came to court and was promoted to Minister of Works, with the additional duty of commissioner for the imperial tomb.
11
使 使宿 使使 使
Geluo Feng, king of Nanzhao, died. His son Fengjiayi had died earlier, and his grandson Yimouxun succeeded to the throne. In winter, the tenth month, on the new moon of the day dingyou, Tibet and Nanzhao united a force of one hundred thousand men and invaded by three routes—one through Maozhou, one through Fu and Wen, and one through Li and Ya—declaring: “We intend to take Shu and make it our eastern capital.” Cui Ning was in the capital, and the generals he had left behind could not hold them off. The invaders captured prefecture after prefecture; prefects abandoned their cities and fled; soldiers and civilians hid in the mountain valleys. The emperor was alarmed and urged Ning to return to his post. Ning had already taken his leave when Yang Yan said to the emperor: “Shu is a rich region, and Ning has held it while the court has lost its outer capital for fourteen years. Although Ning has come to court, his entire army still guards Shu behind him; tribute and taxes do not reach the capital—it is as if we had no Shu at all. Moreover, Ning was originally no better than the other generals and gained his position only through the disorders of the times; his authority does not truly command obedience. Even if we send him back now, I fear he will accomplish nothing. If he should succeed, we could not remove him by right. In defeat we lose Shu in any case; in victory we still cannot regain control of it. I urge Your Majesty to consider this carefully. The emperor said, “Then what should we do?” Yan replied, “Keep Ning here and send several thousand Fanyang garrison troops under Zhu Ci’s command, mixed with palace guards, to strike the invaders—why should we fear they cannot be defeated! We can thereby station imperial troops inside Shu itself; the Shu generals will not dare move against us. Then we can appoint another commander and restore a thousand li of fertile land to the state—accepting a small cost for a great gain.” The emperor said, “Good.” Ning was therefore kept at court. Earlier, Ma Lin had resented Li Sheng, chief commander of Jingyuan, for his fame and achievements, and had him transferred to palace guard duty as a general of the Right Divine Strategy Army. The emperor dispatched four thousand palace guards under Li Sheng’s command, and five thousand troops from Bin, Long, and Fanyang under Qu Huan of Anyi, Grand General of the Golden Crow Guard, to relieve Shu. Dongchuan sent troops from Jiangyou toward Baiba and, joining forces with the Shannan army, attacked Tibet and Nanzhao and defeated them. Fanyang troops overtook them at Qipan and defeated them again, then recaptured the prefectures of Wei and Mao. Li Sheng pursued them beyond the Dadu River and defeated them again. Eighty or ninety thousand Tibetans and Nanzhao soldiers died of hunger and cold in the mountain ravines. Tibet, furious and regretful, executed those who had urged them to invade. Yimouxun was frightened, built Jumie City fifteen li in extent, and moved his capital there. Tibet enfeoffed him as King of the Eastern Sun."
12
The emperor enforced the law strictly, and the officials were all shaken with fear. Because the imperial tomb work was approaching, the slaughter of livestock was forbidden. A servant of Guo Ziyi secretly slaughtered a sheep and brought it into the city; Pei Xu, general of the Right Golden Crow Guard, reported it to the throne. Someone said to Xu, “Duke Guo has rendered great service to the state—will you not make allowance for him?” Xu replied, “This is precisely how I am making allowance for him. Duke Guo’s merit is great and his prestige weighty; the new emperor fears that many ministers are attached to him. I therefore expose this small fault to show that Duke Guo’s power is not to be feared. In this way the emperor’s authority is upheld above and the great ministers are reassured below—is that not the right course!”
13
On the day jiyou, the Sagaciously Cultured, Filial, and Martial Emperor was buried at Yuan Tomb; his temple name was Daizong. When the funeral procession was about to depart, the emperor escorted it and noticed that the imperial hearse was not on the imperial roadway but angled slightly toward the dingwei direction. He asked why, and the officials in charge replied, “Your Majesty’s natal destiny lies in the wu hour; we dared not let the procession clash with it.” The emperor wept and said, “How can we bend the imperial procession to seek personal advantage!” He ordered the shafts turned so the procession would go straight through the wu direction. Emperors Suzong and Daizong had both been devoted to yin-yang lore and spirits; on matters large and small they invariably consulted diviners and prayer masters, which was how Wang Yu and Li Gan rose by heterodox means. The new emperor did not believe in such things. For the tomb he took only the seventh-month deadline, setting out when preparations were complete, and did not again choose an auspicious day.
14
西使
In the eleventh month, on the day dingchou, Han Huang, prefect of Jinzhou, was appointed prefect of Suzhou and observation commissioner of eastern and western Zhejiang.
15
Qiao Lin was aged and hard of hearing. When the emperor occasionally consulted him, his replies were confused and his counsel vague and impractical. On the day renwu, Lin was appointed Minister of Works and dismissed from the chancellorship. The emperor thereby grew cool toward Zhang She.
16
使使 使西使 使
Because Yang Yan had kept Cui Ning at court, the two men became bitter enemies. Yan argued that the northern frontier required a senior minister to pacify it. On the day guisi, Cui Ning, observation commissioner of the capital region, was appointed Protector General of Chanyu, Grand Protector of the North, and military governor of Shuofang, with his headquarters at Fangzhou. Zhang Yanshang, military governor of Jingnan, was appointed military governor of Xichuan. Du Xiquan of Liquan, chief adjutant of the Ling-Salt command, was also made acting prefect of Ling and Yan prefectures; Zhang Guangsheng, prefect of Daizhou, was made acting prefect of the Chanyu and Zhenwu garrisons and of Sui, Yin, Lin, and Sheng prefectures. Li Jianhui, prefect of Yanzhou, was made acting prefect of Fu, Fang, and Dan prefectures. Ning had already taken up his command and should no longer have had acting prefects appointed over him. Yang Yan wished to strip Ning of power and spy on his conduct, so he allowed all three men to memorialize the throne directly and hinted that they should watch for Ning's faults.
17
In the twelfth month, on the day yimao, Prince Xuan Song was named crown prince.
18
使使便 使 使
Under the old system, the empire's gold and silk were stored in the Left Treasury; the Court of the Imperial Treasury reported the figures each season, and the Ministry of Revenue audited receipts and disbursements. When Diwu Qi became commissioner of revenue and of salt and iron, many powerful generals in the capital demanded funds without restraint, and Qi could not control them. He therefore proposed storing all revenues in the Great Abundance inner treasury under eunuch management. The emperor also found it convenient for his personal expenses, and the funds were long kept from the regular administration. Thus the public revenues of the realm became the emperor's private hoard. Responsible officials could no longer see how much was held or check surplus and deficit—for nearly twenty years. More than three hundred eunuchs managed these funds, all feeding on them from within and entrenching themselves so firmly that they could not be dislodged. Yang Yan kowtowed before the emperor and said, "Revenue and taxation are the great foundation of the state and the livelihood of the people. The state's strength and security all depend on them. Past ages therefore entrusted weighty ministers with this duty, yet waste and disorder still occurred. Today only eunuchs control the surplus and deficit, and great ministers are kept in ignorance. No corruption in government exceeds this. I ask that these funds be returned to the responsible offices. Estimate the palace's annual needs, deliver that amount, and there will be no shortage. Only then can government be properly conducted. That same day the emperor issued an edict: "All revenues shall return to the Left Treasury under the old system. Each year three to five thousand bolts of the finest quality shall be presented to the Great Abundance treasury." Yang Yan had shifted the emperor's mind with a few words, and commentators praised him."
19
On the last day of the month bingyin, there was a solar eclipse.
20
使 使
Wang Guoliang, a bandit leader in Hunan, held the mountains and plundered the countryside. The emperor sent Guan Bo, vice director of the Court of Judicial Review, to win him over by negotiation. As he took his leave, the emperor asked him about the essentials of good government. He replied, "The foundation of government is to find worthy men of principle and govern with them." The emperor said, "I have lately issued edicts seeking the worthy and sent envoys to search broadly—might that not suffice for good government!" He replied, "Those sought by edict and recommended by envoys are only men who advance through literary polish. How could worthy men of principle be willing to enter the examination system!" The emperor was pleased.
21
輿使
Cui Youfu was ill. The emperor had him carried by sedan chair to the Secretariat, or allowed him to rest at home on leave; on important matters palace envoys were sent to consult him.
22
Emperor Dezong, the Divinely Martial and Filially Cultured—Part One ( gēngshēn, corresponding to 780 CE).
23
使使 調調 簿 使 調
In spring, the first month, on the new moon of the day dingmao, the reign era was changed. The ministers advanced the honorific title Sagely, Divine, Civil, and Martial Emperor; and an amnesty was proclaimed for the realm. Following Yang Yan's proposal for the first time, promotion-and-demotion commissioners, observation commissioners, and prefects were ordered to "assess the households and property of the people, fix tax grades, and institute the two-tax law. All old and new categories of levies hitherto imposed are entirely abolished; whoever beyond the two taxes collects even one cash shall be punished for perverting the law." At the beginning of the Tang dynasty, the tax system consisted of rent, corvée, and allocation: landholders paid rent, adult males paid corvée labor, and households paid the allocation tax. By the end of Emperor Xuanzong's reign, household registers had fallen into disrepair and no longer reflected reality. When the rebellion of the Zhide era broke out, levies were urgently pressed everywhere without fixed standards. Tax offices multiplied without central oversight; each added levies at will, invented new categories, and old and new taxes piled on without end. Wealthy families with many adult males mostly became officials or monks to escape taxation, while poor families with many adult males had nowhere to hide. Upper households were favored and lower households bore the burden. Officials exploited every opportunity to extort them. The people paid taxes every ten days and every month until they could bear no more; most fled and became unregistered "floating" households. Of those who remained rooted in place, scarcely four or five in a hundred remained. At this point Yan proposed the two-tax law: first calculate each prefecture and county's annual expenses and tribute to the center, then levy taxes on the people—fixing revenue according to expenditure. Households were no longer classified as native or sojourner; registration was based on present residence. Persons were no longer classified by adult male or youth; tax grades were based on wealth. Traveling merchants were taxed one-thirtieth in whatever prefecture or county they were in, equalizing their burden with residents and closing loopholes. Taxes on residents were collected twice a year, in summer and autumn. Rent, corvée, allocation, and miscellaneous labor levies were all abolished and unified under the Department of Revenue. The emperor accepted his proposal and implemented it through the amnesty edict.
24
使 使 使
Earlier, Liu Yan, Left Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs, had served as Minister of Personnel with Yang Yan as his vice minister; the two disliked each other. Liu Yan had played a major role in bringing about Yuan Zai's downfall. When the new emperor ascended the throne, Yan had long controlled financial power. Many resented him, and memorials frequently urged abolishing the transport commissioner post. There was also rumor that Yan had once secretly urged Emperor Daizong to make Consort Dugu empress. As chancellor, Yang Yan wished to avenge Yuan Zai. He said to the emperor with streaming tears, "Yan plotted with Li Gan and Liu Zhongyi. As chancellor I could not punish them—my crime deserves death ten thousand times over!" Cui Youfu said, "This matter is obscure. Your Majesty has already proclaimed a broad amnesty and should not pursue empty rumors." Yan then proposed, "The Secretariat is the foundation of state affairs. Lately various commissioners have been established that divided its authority. The old system should be restored." The emperor agreed. On the day jiazi, an edict ordered that revenues throughout the realm return to the Gold and Granary bureaus and abolished Yan's posts as transport, rent-and-corvée, green-sprout, salt-and-iron, and other commissioners.
25
使 使使 使 使
In the second month, on the new moon of the day bingshen, eleven promotion-and-demotion commissioners were dispatched to tour the realm. Earlier, Tian Yue, military governor of Weibo, had still served the court respectfully. Hong Jinglun, the Hebei promotion-and-demotion commissioner, did not understand the times. Learning that Yue's army numbered seventy thousand men, he issued an order dismissing forty thousand and sending them back to farming. Yue outwardly obeyed and dismissed them as ordered. Then he assembled the men who were to be dismissed and incited them, saying, "You have long served in the army with parents, wives, and children. Now in a single day you are dismissed by the promotion-and-demotion commissioner—how will you feed and clothe yourselves!" The men wept aloud. Yue then distributed his family wealth among them as gifts and had each man return to his unit. Thereupon the soldiers were grateful to Yue and resentful of the court.
26
使使 使使使
Because of illness, Cui Youfu often did not attend to affairs of state. Yang Yan alone bore the great administration, devoting himself chiefly to settling scores. He memorialized to carry out Yuan Zai's leftover plan to fortify Yuanzhou and also proposed mobilizing corvée laborers from the two capitals and Guannei to dredge the Lingyang Canal at Fengzhou to establish military colonies. The emperor sent a palace envoy to Duan Xiushi, military governor of Jingyuan, to inquire about the plan's merits. Xiushi replied, "Frontier defenses are still weak. It is not fitting to undertake projects that will provoke invasion." Yan was furious, believing Xiushi was obstructing him, and recalled him to court as Minister of Agriculture. On the day dingwei, Li Huai'guang, military governor of Binning, was additionally appointed military governor of the Four Garrisons and Northern Court expedition and of Jingyuan, and ordered to move his army to Yuanzhou. Liu Wenxi, acting prefect of the Four Garrisons and Northern Court, was made vice prefect. Yan Yi, metropolitan prefect of Jingzhao, memorialized, "The five cities of Shuofang were formerly garrisoned on fertile land. Since the disorders, labor has not reached them and they have fallen into ruin—not one in ten fields is cultivated. If labor is available, the land can be reclaimed without dredging canals. To mobilize people from the two capitals and Guanfu to Fengzhou to dredge canals and establish colonies—the yield will not repay the cost, and the people of Guanfu will be driven to flee. This would empty the capital region without benefiting military stores." The memorial was submitted but received no reply. In the end the Lingyang Canal project was abandoned unfinished.
27
Following Yang Yan's advice, on the pretext that Yan's memorials were untruthful, the emperor on the day jiyou demoted Liu Yan to prefect of Zhongzhou.
28
使
On the day guichou, Li Baozhen, acting prefect of Zelu, was appointed military governor.
29
西 使
Yang Yan wished to fortify Yuanzhou to recover Qin and Yuan prefectures. He ordered Li Huai'guang to go forward and supervise construction, with Zhu Ci and Cui Ning each commanding ten thousand men to support him from the rear. When the edict reached Jingzhou ordering preparations for fortification, the soldiers of Jing were furious. They said, "We have been the shield of the empire's western gate for more than ten years. At first we were stationed at Binzhou and had just begun farming, with the security of settled homes. We were moved to Jingzhou, cleared the wilderness, and built our headquarters. Our seats were not yet warm before we are cast out beyond the frontier again. What crime have we committed to deserve this!" Li Huai'guang, when he first became commander of Binning, had immediately executed Wen Ruya and the others. His military discipline was severe. When he additionally took command of Jingyuan, the generals were all afraid. They said, "What crime did those five generals commit to be slaughtered? Now he comes here again—how can we not worry!" Liu Wenxi, taking advantage of the troops' unrest, seized Jingzhou and refused to accept the edict. He memorialized asking for Duan Xiushi as commander, or else Zhu Ci. On the day guihai, Zhu Ci was appointed military governor of the Four Garrisons and Northern Court expedition and of Jingyuan, replacing Huai'guang.
30
使 忿
In the third month, Zhang She, Hanlin academician and Left Regular Attendant of the Cavalry, was found to have accepted gold from Xin Jinggao, former observation commissioner of Hunan. The emperor was furious and wished to punish him by law. At the time Li Zhongchen, acting Minister of Works and Junior Chancellor, said to the emperor, "Your Majesty is exalted as Son of Heaven, yet the gentleman broke the law from poverty. In my foolish view, it is not his fault." The emperor's anger eased. On the day xinwei, She was released to return home. Xin Jinggao had beaten and killed a subordinate officer out of private resentment. The responsible offices memorialized that his crime deserved death, and the emperor was about to agree. Li Zhongchen said, "Jinggao ought to have died long ago!" The emperor asked why. Zhongchen said, "Jinggao's uncles and brothers all died in battle. Only Jinggao survives to this day. I therefore hold that he ought to have died long ago." The emperor was moved to pity and demoted Jinggao to tutor of the imperial princes. Zhongchen often seized such opportunities to save people—many cases were like this.
31
使 使 使
Yang Yan abolished the commissioners of revenue and transport and ordered the Gold and Granary bureaus to take their place. Soon it became clear that these bureaus had long been neglected, their functions disconnected, and unable to manage affairs. Revenues throughout the realm had no central oversight. On the day guisi, Han Hui, Grand Master of Remonstrance, was again appointed Vice Minister of Revenue and acting commissioner of revenue; Du You of Wannian, director of the Gold Bureau, was made acting commissioner of Yangtze and Huai water and land transport—all as under the old system. Liu Wenxi again refused to accept the edict and sought to obtain a military commission for himself. In summer, the fourth month, on the new moon of the day yiwei, he rebelled and held Jingzhou, sending his son Zhi to Tibet to seek aid. The emperor ordered Zhu Ci and Li Huai'guang to attack him and also ordered Zhang Juji, commander of the Divine Strategy Army, to lead two thousand palace guards to assist.
32
使
Tibet at first did not believe that Wei Lun was returning their captives. When the captives crossed the border and each returned to his tribe, they reported, "The new Son of Heaven has released palace women and freed captive birds and beasts. His heroic majesty and sagely virtue pervade China." Tibet was greatly pleased and cleared the road to welcome Lun. The Tibetan ruler immediately sent envoys to accompany Lun in presenting tribute and also sent funeral gifts. On guimao, he reached the capital, and the emperor welcomed him with full ceremonial courtesy. Soon afterward a Shu general memorialized the throne: 'The Tibetans are wolves and jackals—the captives we have taken must not be sent back.' The emperor replied: 'When the barbarians raid the border, we strike them; when they submit, we restore their people. To strike is to display might; to return captives is to display trustworthiness. Without majesty and good faith, how can we bring distant peoples to the throne?' He ordered every captive returned.
33
During Emperor Daizong's reign, on New Year's Day, the winter solstice, the Dragon Boat Festival, and the emperor's birthday, prefectures and circuits vied to send tribute beyond the regular levies—and the throne favored those who gave the most. Military men and corrupt officials used the practice as cover to extort the common people. On guichou, the emperor's birthday, he refused every tribute gift sent from the four directions. Li Zhengji and Tian Yue each sent thirty thousand bolts of silk; the emperor turned all of it over to the Finance Commission to offset rent and tax obligations.
34
使
In the fifth month, on wuchen, Wei Lun was appointed Director of the Court of Imperial Sacrifices. On yiyou, Lun was again sent as envoy to Tibet. Lun asked the emperor to write the alliance covenant himself for a treaty with Tibet. Yang Yan judged that inappropriate and asked that he, Guo Ziyi, and others draft the covenant text for the emperor's review, with the emperor need only mark his approval—which the throne accepted.
35
使 使 使
Zhu Ci and others besieged Liu Wenxi at Jing Prefecture, blockading all entry and exit while holding the walls and refusing battle; months passed without success. A drought gripped the land; conscription and supply transport threw court and countryside into turmoil, and memorials asking the emperor to pardon Wenxi and spare the exhausted populace became too numerous to count. The emperor refused them all, saying, 'If this petty rebel is not eliminated, how can I command the realm!' Wenxi sent his general Liu Haibin to report to court. Haibin told the emperor, 'I was one of Your Majesty's household troops when you were still in your princely residence—I would never side with a rebel. I will surely cut off his head and bring it to you. But all Wenxi wants now is a military commission. If Your Majesty would temporarily grant it, he will surely grow careless—and then my plan can succeed. The emperor said, 'Rank and insignia are not to be lent out. If you can deliver results, so much the better—but my commission is not for the taking.' He sent Haibin back to inform Wenxi, and the siege continued as vigorously as before. He cut the imperial table to feed the soldiers, and spring clothing due to troops in the besieged city was issued as usual. From this everyone understood that the emperor's resolve would not budge. Tibet was then on good terms with Tang and sent no troops; inside the city, Wenxi's forces were at the end of their rope. On gengyin, Haibin and the other generals killed Wenxi and sent his head—but the planned fortification of Yuan Prefecture was never completed after all. From the emperor's accession, Li Zhengji had been inwardly anxious and sent aides to report at court; When news of victory at Jing Prefecture arrived, the emperor had the envoy view Wenxi's severed head before sending him home. Zhengji grew still more afraid.
36
In the sixth month, on the jiawu new moon, Cui Youfu, Vice Director of the Chancellery and Junior Chancellor, died.
37
The adept Sang Daomao memorialized the throne: 'Within a few years Your Majesty will briefly face calamity at a detached palace. I observe an imperial aura over Fengtian; its walls should be raised high against the unexpected.' On xinchou, several thousand corvee laborers from the capital region were mobilized, along with troops of the Six Armies, to build the walls of Fengtian.
38
殿 使 祿
Originally the Uyghurs lived by plain, sturdy customs; the gap between ruler and subject was not great, so their will was united and their fighters unmatched. After they rendered service to Tang, the court's gifts grew lavish. Khan Dengli began to hold himself above others, built palaces to live in, and his women took up powder, rouge, embroidery, and brocade. China was drained in the process, and Uyghur ways were corrupted as well. When Emperor Daizong died, the emperor sent the palace envoy Liang Wenxiu to announce the mourning. Dengli received him arrogantly and without proper ceremony. Sogdians of the Nine Surnames attached to the Uyghurs urged Dengli that China was rich and that an invasion during its mourning period could yield great profit. Dengli took their advice and planned to lead the entire nation in an invasion. His chancellor Dunmohe Daghan, Dengli's paternal cousin, remonstrated: 'Tang is a great power that has done us no wrong. Two years ago we raided Taiyuan and seized tens of thousands of sheep and horses—a splendid victory—but the roads were long and supplies short; on the march home many soldiers were afoot. If we now plunge the whole nation deep into their country and fortune turns against us, where will we go home to?' Dengli would not heed him. Dunmohe, seizing on widespread reluctance to raid south, raised troops and killed him along with two thousand Sogdians of the Nine Surnames. He proclaimed himself Qaghan Qutluq Bilge, sent his minister Yudagan to audience together with Liang Wenxiu, declared himself willing to become a tributary subject, left his hair uncut in submission, and awaited formal investiture. On yimao, Yuan Xiu of Linzhang, Vice Prefect of the Capital, was ordered to invest Dunmohe as Qaghan Wuyi Chenggong.
39
使使西 西 使 使 使 使
In autumn, the seventh month, on bingyin, Wang Guoliang, bandit leader in Shao Prefecture, surrendered. Guoliang had been a guard officer in Hunan; surveillance commissioner Xin Jinggao posted him at Wugang to hold back the Xiyuan tribes. Jinggao was greedy and brutal. Guoliang's family was wealthy, and Jinggao charged him with a capital offense. Fearing execution, Guoliang seized the county and rebelled, joined the Xiyuan tribes, gathered a thousand followers, and raided prefectures and counties—a thousand li of lakeshore suffered their depredations. An edict ordered the Jing, Qian, Hong, and Gui circuits to combine forces against him; year after year they failed to defeat him. When Prince of Cao Gao became Hunan surveillance commissioner, he said, 'Driving exhausted troops to crush rebels is not a winning strategy.' He sent Guoliang a letter: 'General, you did not set out to rebel—you only wanted to save your life. Both of us were framed by Xin Jinggao. The court has already cleared my name—why would I turn weapons on you again! If you meet me and do not surrender at once, you will regret it too late!' Guoliang was both heartened and afraid; he sent envoys to offer surrender but still could not bring himself to decide. Gao then posed as an envoy, rode with a single companion five hundred li to Guoliang's camp, whipped the gate, and shouted, 'I am Prince of Cao—I have come to accept your surrender!' The entire force was stunned. Guoliang rushed out, bowed in welcome, and pleaded for pardon. Gao took his hand, pledged brotherhood, burned all weapons of siege and defense, dispersed the rebels, and sent them back to the fields. An edict pardoned Guoliang and bestowed the name Weixin.
40
On xinsi, the emperor's mother, Lady Shen, was honored at a distance as Empress Dowager.
41
使 使
Jingnan military commissioner Yu Zhun, seeking to curry favor with Yang Yan, memorialized that Liu Yan, prefect of Zhong Prefecture, had written Zhu Ci begging rescue in resentful terms, and further that Yan had raised local troops to resist imperial orders; Yang Yan backed the accusation. The emperor secretly sent a palace envoy to Zhong Prefecture to strangle him; on jichou an edict formally ordered his death. The empire regarded it as a grievous injustice.
42
宿 使西 使 簿 紿 使 使 使 西 便 使 使 使宿
In the An Lushan and Shi Siming rebellion, within a few years eight or nine households in ten vanished from the registers; prefectures and counties fell to military governors, tribute ceased to reach the court, and the imperial treasury ran dry. China was beset by troubles, and barbarians raided the frontier every year. Heavy garrisons everywhere depended on the state for supplies at ruinous cost—and all of it had to be managed through Yan. When Yan first became transport commissioner, he alone oversaw the circuits east of Shan; the Finance Commission handled the west. In his final years he held both portfolios, but was dismissed not long afterward. Yan was tireless and ingenious, adapting supply to demand with masterly finesse. He regularly hired fast runners at generous wages and set relay posts within sight of one another to report prices across the empire. Even distant markets reached his office within days, and the leverage over commodity prices rested entirely in his hands—the state profited, and the realm was spared wild swings in price. He always maintained that managing many affairs depended on finding the right people, and so he chose men who were sharp, capable, honest, and diligent; even the minute work of auditing ledgers and handling cash and grain he entrusted to educated officials; clerks merely copied documents and were not allowed to speak out of turn. He often said, 'When gentlemen take bribes, they are ruined for life—reputation matters more than profit, so gentlemen tend toward integrity; clerks may stay clean, but they win no real glory—profit matters more than reputation, so clerks tend toward corruption.' Only Yan could make this system work; others who tried to copy him never matched him. Subordinates thousands of li away carried out his orders as if he stood before them; in daily conduct and speech none dared deceive him. Powerful nobles sometimes recommended relatives and friends; Yan accepted them and adjusted salary, rank, and promotion to their wishes—but never gave them substantive responsibility. For the demanding posts at his transport depots he always chose the best men available. After Yan's death, most officials who won renown in finance had served under him. Yan also held that as households multiplied, tax revenue would naturally expand; in managing finances he always put the welfare of the people first. Each circuit appointed intake officers who, every ten days, reported rainfall, snow, harvests, and shortages to his office. In good years he bought grain at fair prices; in bad years he sold it cheaply, exchanged grain for other goods to meet official needs, or sold reserves where harvests were plentiful. When intake officers first detected poor harvests, they reported in advance how much tax relief would be needed in a given month and how much aid in another. When the time came, Yan did not wait for local applications—he memorialized and acted at once, meeting the people's needs without delay, rather than waiting until they were ruined, displaced, or starving. The people were able to keep their livelihoods, and registered households grew. When Yan first became transport commissioner, registered households nationwide numbered no more than two million; by his final years they exceeded three million; where he had authority, numbers rose; where he did not, they did not. At first annual fiscal revenue did not exceed four million strings of cash; by his final years it exceeded ten million. Yan relied chiefly on the salt monopoly to meet military and state needs. At that time from Xu, Ru, Zheng, and Deng westward all consumed Hedong pond salt under the Finance Commission; east of Bian, Hua, Tang, and Cai all consumed sea salt under Yan. Yan held that too many officials would harass the people; he therefore placed salt officials only in producing districts, bought salt from salt households, and resold it to merchants who could carry it wherever they chose—other prefectures and counties had no salt offices. In the Jiang and Ling regions far from salt districts, he shipped and stored official salt locally. When merchants withheld supply and salt grew dear, he cut prices and sold reserves—the so-called Ever-Normal salt—so the state profited and the people were not left without salt. At first profit from Jiang and Huai salt did not exceed four hundred thousand strings; by his final years it exceeded six million—enough to meet state needs without burdening the people. Hedong salt yielded no more than eight hundred thousand strings, yet its price remained higher than sea salt. Previously, grain shipped from Guandong to Chang'an faced fierce river currents; if eight tenths of a load arrived intact, the haul counted as full service and earned premium pay. Yan recognized that the Yangzi, Bian Canal, Yellow, and Wei rivers differed in force; he built ships suited to each, trained transport crews, and linked the routes—Yangzi ships to Yangzhou, Bian ships to Heyin, Yellow River ships to the Wei mouth, Wei ships to the Great Granary—with granaries along the waterways to transfer cargo in stages. Thereafter annual grain shipments sometimes exceeded a million hu without losing a single measure to spill or capsizing. Ten ships formed one convoy under a military commander; after ten successful runs without loss, he received special reward and an official appointment. After several runs, none of the transport workers were without gray in their hair. Yan established ten shipyards on the Yangzi and paid a thousand strings of cash for each vessel built. Some complained, 'The actual cost was less than half that—far too much was wasted.' Yan replied, 'Not so. Those who think in grand terms must not stint on small costs; every undertaking must be built to last. Now that shipyards are being set up, there are many overseers; if they are first allowed enough for their private needs, the state's vessels will be solid and durable. If we start haggling over every penny with them from the outset, how can the system endure? Sooner or later someone will complain that we give too much and cut the allowance; Cutting it by half or less might still work; beyond that, transport would collapse.' " Fifty years later, the officials did in fact cut the payment in half. By the Xiantong period, officials paid only calculated costs with no surplus; ships grew ever thinner and more fragile, and the canal transport system was abandoned. Yan was tireless: whether a matter was trivial or urgent, he settled it within the day and never let business overnight. Later experts in finance could not match him.
43
使 使 使 使 使
In the eighth month, on jiawu, Zhang Guangsheng, acting prefect of Zhenwu, slaughtered the Uyghur envoy Tu Chong and more than nine hundred of his party. Tu Chong was the uncle of the Martial Righteousness Qaghan. During Daizong's reign, Sogdians of the Nine Surnames often passed themselves off as Uyghurs, lived in the capital, amassed wealth, and committed violence. Together with the Uyghurs they were a plague on public and private life alike. When the emperor acceded, he ordered Tu Chong to lead all his followers home. Their train of baggage was immense. At Zhenwu they lingered for months, demanding lavish provisions--a thousand jin of meat daily, with other supplies to match--and let woodcutters and herders ravage orchards and crops. The people of Zhenwu were driven to misery. Guangsheng wanted to kill the Uyghurs and seize their baggage, but feared their numbers and held back. Learning that the new qaghan had executed many of their kin, the Nine-Name Sogdians fled in numbers; Tu Chong guarded them closely. Trapped--unable to flee yet afraid to return--the Nine-Name Sogdians secretly urged Guangsheng to slaughter the Uyghurs. Guangsheng was pleased to see their faction split from within and agreed. The emperor still resented the Uyghurs for the humiliation at Shaanzhou. Knowing the emperor's mind, Guangsheng memorialized: 'The Uyghurs themselves are not numerous; their strength comes only from the surrounding Sogdian tribes. I hear they are now tearing one another apart: Tun Mohe has just ascended; Yidijian has a bastard son; and Chief Minister Mei Jinlu each leads thousands of troops against the others--the realm is still unsettled. Without money they cannot control their followers. If Your Majesty does not destroy them now but sends their men home with funds, you will be arming bandits and feeding thieves--as the proverb says. I ask that they be killed.' " Three times he memorialized; three times the emperor refused. Guangsheng then sent a deputy past their lodge and deliberately omitted the proper courtesy; Tu Chong flew into a rage, seized the man, and flogged him dozens of times. Guangsheng launched a surprise attack, slaughtered the Uyghurs and all the allied Sogdians, and piled the corpses into a victory mound. He spared two Sogdians to bear witness home, saying: 'The Uyghurs flogged and humiliated my deputy and plotted to seize Zhenwu, so I acted first.' " The emperor summoned Guangsheng to serve as General of the Right Golden Guard and sent the palace envoy Wang Jiaxiang with letters and gifts. The Uyghurs demanded the right to execute the killer in revenge; to appease them the emperor demoted Guangsheng to Tutor of the Prince of Mu.
44
使 使使
On dingwei, Zhu Ci, military governor of Lulong, Longyou, and Jingyuan, was also made Grand Counselor; he retained his Lulong and Longyou commands. The Prince of Shu, Mo, was appointed Grand Commissioner for the Four Garrisons, Beiting Field Army, and Jingyuan Circuit; Yao Lingyan of Hezhong, chief of the Jingzhou advanced troops, was made acting prefect. Mo was Yao's son; orphaned young, the emperor had raised him as his own.
45
使
On guichou, an edict posthumously ennobled the Empress Dowager's father, grandfather, brothers, and kin, and issued one hundred twenty-seven certificates of residence and appointment for other relatives ennobled or granted fiefs; Palace envoys delivered them by horseback.
46
殿
In the ninth month, on renwu, the Directorate of Works reported that the Xuanzheng Hall corridor had collapsed; with the Kui Ridge ascendant in the tenth month, repairs were inauspicious. The emperor said, 'So long as it does not harm people or obstruct public business, that is auspicious enough. Why quibble over the calendar!' " He ordered repairs at once.
47
西使 使 殿
Before Dali, taxation, collection, and salary payment followed no fixed rules; local chiefs did as they pleased; With Yuan and Wang in power, bribery flourished openly, and for nearly twenty years corrupt officials across the empire went unpunished. Only Lu Sigong, observation commissioner of Jiangxi, investigated Qianzhou Prefect Yuan Fuhan and banished him. The emperor summoned Xue Yong, observation commissioner of Xuan and She and a cultivated elder statesman, to serve as Left Vice Director. When Yong left Xuanzhou, he had embezzled official goods worth tens of thousands; Palace Attendant Censor Yuan □ exposed the crime.
48
In the tenth month, on jihai, he was demoted to captain of Lianshan. After that, prefectures and counties began to fear the court's authority and dared not abuse their power.
49
Early in his reign the emperor distanced eunuchs and trusted court scholars; Zhang She rose through Confucian learning and Xue Yong through cultivated elegance--yet both were soon disgraced by corruption. Eunuchs and generals seized their excuse: 'Southern Bureau civilians steal fortunes in the tens of thousands, yet claim we have ruined the realm--is that not a lie!' " From then on the emperor began to doubt, no longer sure whom he could trust.
50
使使
Gao Can, a drafting officer, proposed sending members of the Shen clan to search for the Empress Dowager. On gengyin the Prince of Mu, Shu, was named welcoming commissioner with Minister of Works Qiao Lin as deputy; four Shen clansmen were appointed as adjudicators and sent with palace envoys to search the circuits.
51
使
In the eleventh month, in addition to attendance officers, two assembly envoys were summoned and questioned about policy and the hardships of distant peoples.
52
婿
Previously, when a princess married below her rank, her parents-in-law bowed to her while she made no return bow. The emperor ordered ritual officers to prescribe how princesses should bow to parents-in-law and to the husband's senior relatives: parents-in-law seated in the central hall, uncles and elder siblings standing in the eastern wing--as in an ordinary household. A county princess was about to marry on dingchou. That day the emperor's paternal cousin died, and he ordered the wedding canceled. Officials reported: 'The preparations are complete, and mourning for a young cousin need not cancel the event.' " The emperor said, 'You care about the cost; I care about the ritual.' " He canceled it anyway. Since the Zhide era the realm had been in turmoil, and imperial princesses often married late. Some had gone gray in the palace without seeing the emperor for ten years. The emperor summoned all the imperial clanswomen: he paid respect to the elders, comforted the younger ones, and ordered every one of them married. Every dowry, great or small, passed before his eyes. On jimao and gengchen eleven county princesses, including Yueyang, were married off.
53
Tibet was pleased to see Wei Lun return once more. On the first day of the twelfth month, xinmao, Lun returned; Tibet sent Chancellor Lun Yimingsi and others with tribute.
54
That year the crown prince's mother, Lady Wang, was created Virtuous Consort.
55
Registered tax households nationwide numbered 3,085,076; post-census additions exceeded 768,000 persons; tax revenue exceeded 10.898 million strings of cash; grain exceeded 2.157 million hu.
56
Under Emperor Daizong, the Sagaciously Cultured, Filial, and Martial--the second year of Jianzhong ( xinyou, corresponding to 781 CE).
57
使 使 使 使 使 使 使 使
In the first month of spring, on wuchen, Li Baochen, military governor of Chengde, died. Baochen meant to pass command to his son Wei Yue, chief of staff. Fearing the young man's weakness, he preemptively executed hard-to-control generals including Shenzhou Prefect Zhang Xiancheng--more than ten died on the same day. Baochen summoned Yizhou Prefect Zhang Xiaozhong, who refused to come and sent his brother Xiaojie instead. Xiaozhong sent Xiaojie to tell Baochen, 'What had those generals done to be slaughtered one after another! Xiaozhong fears death and will not come, yet he will not rebel either--it is the same as Your Lordship's wish not to enter court.' " Xiaojie wept: 'Then I am as good as dead.' " Xiaozhong said, 'If you go we both die--but while I am here he will not dare kill you.' " Xiaojie returned, and Baochen did not punish him. Wang Wujun, though low in rank, was bold in battle, so Baochen favored him--giving his daughter to Wujun's son Shizhen and letting Shizhen lavish gifts on Baochen's inner circle. Only Xiaozhong and Wujun were spared. After Baochen's death, Clerk Hu Zhen and house slave Wang Tanu urged Wei Yue to conceal the death for more than twenty days, forge a memorial in Baochen's name asking that Wei Yue succeed--and the emperor refused. The court sent Supervising Censor Ban Hong of Jiren to inquire after Baochen's illness and deliver its instructions. Wei Yue tried to bribe Hong lavishly; Hong refused and returned to report. Wei Yue then announced the death, declared himself acting prefect, and had his officers jointly request formal appointment--the emperor again refused. Baochen had allied with Li Zhengji, Tian Chengsi, and Liang Chongyi, pledging to pass their domains to their heirs. When Chengsi died, Baochen had pressed the court to grant the command to Tian Yue; Daizong had agreed. When Yue first succeeded he was outwardly deferential; Hedong Governor Ma Sui warned that he would rebel and asked for preparations. Now Yue repeatedly petitioned for Wei Yue's succession, but the emperor sought to end the old abuse and refused. An adviser warned: 'Wei Yue already controls his father's domain; if you do not appoint him, he will rebel.' " The emperor said, 'Rebels have no strength of their own--they borrow our land and titles to gather followers. We have indulged their wishes again and again, and rebellion has only worsened. Appointments cannot stop rebellion--they only feed it. Wei Yue will rebel either way--appointment or no appointment.' " He still refused. Yue and Li Zhengji each sent envoys to Wei Yue to plot armed defiance.
58
使 使
Tian Tingzhi, deputy governor of Weibo, told Yue, 'You inherited your uncle's domain--why not serve the court faithfully and enjoy your wealth in peace! Why join the rebels of Heng and Yun for no reason! Since the wars began, which rebel has kept his house safe? If you must go your own way, kill me first--do not make me watch the Tian clan destroyed.' " He then feigned illness and stayed home. Yue came in person to apologize; Tingzhi shut him out and eventually died of grief.
59
使 使 使
Shao Zhen, adjutant of Chengde, learned of Wei Yue's plot and pleaded through tears: 'Your father received the state's great favor; you are still in mourning--how can you turn against the throne?' " He urged Wei Yue to arrest Li Zhengji's envoy, send him to the capital, and ask to campaign against him: 'If you do, the court will reward your loyalty and you may yet win the command.' Wei Yue agreed and had Zhen draft the memorial. Chief Secretary Bi Hua said: 'Your late father kept faith with the two circuits for over twenty years--how can you abandon that alliance overnight! Even if you arrest their envoy, the court may not trust you. If Zhengji strikes without warning, we will stand alone with no aid--how could we survive!' Wei Yue again took his advice.
60
便 使宿 祿 使
Gu Congzheng, former prefect of Dingzhou and Wei Yue's uncle, was bold and well read; Wang Wujun and others respected and feared him. Resented by Baochen, he claimed illness and withdrew from public life. Wei Yue resented him too, kept him out of counsel, and spent his days and nights plotting only with Hu Zhen, Wang Tanu, and the rest, scattering gold and silk to buy the troops' loyalty. Congzheng went to Wei Yue and said: 'The empire is quiet. Every envoy from the capital reports that the emperor is wise and resolute, bent on restoring peace, and determined not to let the heirs of regional lords keep their domains to themselves. You are the first to defy the throne. The emperor will surely send every circuit against you. While the rewards are fresh, every soldier swears he will die for you. Lose one battle and each man will cling to his life--who will not desert you! Every powerful commander will wait for your weakness and strike, eager to deliver you up and claim the credit. Your father executed nearly a hundred senior generals. When you falter, how many of their sons and brothers will come seeking blood! And your father feuded with Youzhou. Zhu Tao and his brothers have long hungered to destroy us. The emperor is certain to appoint Zhu Tao commander. Zhu Tao is close enough to hear our night watches. Once he receives his orders he will come at a gallop like a wolf on prey. How could we stand against him! Tian Chengsi once rebelled with An Lushan and Shi Siming, fought a hundred battles, and was feared across the empire. When he defied the throne he thought himself invincible. When Lu Ziqi was taken and Wu Xiguang surrendered, Chengsi wept to heaven, utterly at a loss. Only because your father held his troops back and pleaded for mercy did the late emperor spare Chengsi. Otherwise the Tian clan would have been wiped out. You were bred in luxury, still young and untested. Will you heed flatterers and copy Chengsi's folly! My counsel: step aside before your staff, let Wei Cheng govern the headquarters in your stead, go to court yourself, ask to serve in the palace guard, and say Wei Cheng will manage affairs meanwhile. The throne decides your fate. The emperor will honor your loyalty. You may not keep the highest rank, but you will keep your honors and live without fear. Otherwise disaster is coming, and regret will come too late. I know you have always distrusted me. But we are kin, and the crisis leaves me no choice but to speak plainly!' Wei Yue and his confidants, stung by his blunt counsel, hated him all the more. Congzheng went home again, shut his doors, and pleaded illness. Wei Cheng, Wei Yue's elder half-brother, was modest, bookish, and beloved by the troops. His younger sister by the same mother had married Li Zhengji's son. That same day Wei Yue sent Wei Cheng to Zhengji, who restored his original surname Zhang and put him in service at Ziqing. Wei Yue sent Wang Tanu to watch Congzheng at home. Congzheng took poison and died; Dying, he said: 'I do not fear death. I mourn that the Zhang clan is about to be destroyed!'1
61
When Liu Wenxi was executed, Li Zhengji, Tian Yue, and the others were shaken; When Liu Yan was killed, Zhengji and the rest grew still more afraid. They said to one another: 'Our crimes are far worse than Liu Yan's--how can we expect mercy!' " About then Bianzhou's walls were being enlarged because they had grown too cramped. In the east a rumor spread: 'The emperor means to perform the eastern feng and shan rites, and is fortifying Bianzhou for that purpose.' Alarmed, Zhengji mobilized ten thousand men and encamped at Caozhou. Tian Yue also gathered stores and made ready for war. He, Liang Chongyi, and Li Wei Yue coordinated from afar, and the people of Henan were thrown into panic.
62
使 使 使
The Yongping Army had once governed Bian, Song, Hua, Bo, Chen, Ying, and Si--seven prefectures. On the day bingzi, Song, Bo, and Ying were split off into a separate command, with Liu Qia, prefect of Song, as its governor; Si Prefecture was transferred to Huainan; Lu Sigong, garrison commander of the Eastern Capital, was made military governor of Huai, Zheng, Ru, and Shan and of the Three Cities of Heyang. Ten days later Li Mian, governor of Yongping, was placed in overall command of Qia's and Sigong's circuits. Zheng Prefecture was detached and assigned to him, and veteran generals were appointed prefects throughout the region to guard against Zhengji and his allies.
63
使 輿 殿 殿 使 殿
Earlier, Gao Lishi had an adopted daughter, a widow in the Eastern Capital, who knew much of palace life. The palace woman Li Zhenyi took her for Empress Dowager Shen and reported the matter in full to the imperial envoy. The emperor heard the report and was overjoyed. By then every elder who had known the Shen clan was dead. With no one left who could recognize the empress dowager, the emperor sent eunuchs and palace women to examine her. Her age and appearance were close enough, and since none of them had ever known the real dowager, all declared that she was. Lady Gao insisted she was not the empress dowager, but the investigators only grew more suspicious and forcibly installed her at Shangyang Palace. The emperor sent more than a hundred palace women, then imperial carriage goods, to Shangyang Palace to attend her. Her attendants coaxed her from every angle until she wavered and at last confessed that she was the empress dowager. The investigators galloped back to report, and the emperor was elated. In the second month, on the day xinmao, the emperor held court on an auspicious day and the whole ministry came to offer congratulations. He ordered the proper offices to draft the rites for her formal welcome. Lady Gao's brother Chengyue was in Chang'an. Afraid that silence would eventually ruin him, he suddenly told the whole truth. The emperor sent Lishi's adopted grandson Fan Jingchao to investigate again. Jingchao found Lady Gao in the inner hall, playing the empress dowager, surrounded by a strict guard. Jingchao said to Lady Gao: 'Aunt, why do you put your neck on the block!' " Her attendants ordered Jingchao down. He shouted: 'By imperial edict: the empress dowager is an impostor. Attendants, withdraw.' They all left the hall. Lady Gao then said: 'Others forced me into this. It was never my own wish.' She was sent home in an ox cart. Fearing that no one would ever dare report the empress dowager again, the emperor punished no one and said: 'I would rather be fooled a hundred times if it might bring me to her at last.' " After that, four more claimants from across the empire were hailed as the empress dowager, and all proved false. The real empress dowager was never found.
64
使 -{}-
Lu Qi, vice censor-in-chief and son of Lu Yi, was ugly, with a bluish cast to his face, but he was a fluent speaker. The emperor took to him. On the day dingwei he was promoted to censor-in-chief and made metropolitan observation commissioner. Whenever Guo Ziyi received guests, his concubines never left his side. When Qi once came to inquire after his health, Ziyi dismissed every concubine and received him alone, seated at his armrest. Asked why, Ziyi said: 'Qi is ugly and treacherous. The women would laugh at him, and when Qi rises to power my whole clan will be destroyed!'2
65
使使 殿
After Yang Yan had Liu Yan executed, court and country watched him with fear. Li Zhengji repeatedly memorialized demanding Yan's punishment and mocked the throne. Alarmed, Yan sent trusted agents to every circuit under the guise of consolation. Secretly he had them tell each governor: 'Liu Yan once joined wicked factions and sought to make Empress Dugu regent. The emperor himself loathed him and ordered his death.' When the emperor learned of this he was disgusted, and from then on resolved to destroy Yan, though he kept the intent hidden. On the day yisi, Yan was transferred to vice director of the Secretariat and Lu Qi was promoted to vice director of the chancellery. Both became junior chancellors, and Yan was no longer left in sole charge. Qi was short, homely, and unlearned. Yan looked down on him and often feigned illness to avoid dining with him; Qi hated him in return. Qi was secretly ruthless and sought power through fear. Anyone who slighted him he tried to destroy. He brought in Pei Yanling, doctor of the Grand Shrine, as a direct academician of the Hall of Assembled Worthies and relied on him closely.
66
On the day bingwu the Bian-Song army was renamed the Xuanwu Army.
67
使
Peng Lingfang, military governor of Zhenwu, was brutal; Liu Huiguang, the army supervisor, was corrupt. On the day yimao the soldiers killed them both.
68
西 使
Twelve thousand autumn-defense troops from the capital region were sent to garrison Guandong. The emperor feasted the troops at Wangchun Tower. Only the Shence soldiers refused wine. When questioned, their commander Yang Huiyuan answered: 'We marched from Fengtian. Our commander Zhang Juji warned us: "This campaign is for glory. When we return in triumph we shall feast together. Until victory is won, do not drink."' So we dare not accept your invitation to drink.' On the march, officials offered wine along the road, but only Huiyuan's unit kept their jars sealed. The emperor sighed in admiration and sent a letter of commendation. Huiyuan was from Pingzhou.
69
In the third month Yin Prefecture was established at Yancheng.
70
使
On the day xinsi, Wang Hong, prefect of Fen, was made commissioner of the Zhenwu Army and acting governor of Zhenbei, Sui, Yin, and the other northern prefectures.
71
殿使
Palace aide Cui Hanheng was dispatched as envoy to Tibet.
72
使 使 使 使使
Liang Chongyi was allied with Li Zhengji and the others, but his forces were weak and he was the most deferential of them all. When some urged him to go to court, Chongyi said: 'Lord Lai served the state with great merit. In the Shangyuan era eunuchs slandered him and he delayed answering the summons. Even after Emperor Daizong succeeded, though Lai entered court without waiting for the imperial progress, his whole clan was still executed. I have old grievances of my own. How could I dare go!' Huaining governor Li Xilie repeatedly asked to campaign against him. Chongyi was afraid and redoubled his defenses. An exile named Guo Xi accused Chongyi of plotting rebellion. Chongyi submitted a plea of guilt, and the emperor had Guo beaten and banished far away; He sent Li Zhou of the Ministry of Revenue to Xiangzhou to reassure him with the imperial message. Zhou had once been sent to Liu Wenxi to warn him of the consequences of rebellion. Wenxi imprisoned him, but his own men killed Wenxi and surrendered. Overbearing governors everywhere decided that Zhou could topple a fortress and kill its commander. When Zhou reached Xiangzhou, Chongyi loathed him. Zhou again urged Chongyi to go to court, this time in blunt terms, and Chongyi liked him even less. When consolation envoys were sent to the circuits, Zhou was again directed toward Xiangzhou. Chongyi closed the border and refused him entry, memorializing: 'The army is uneasy. Send another envoy.' " The governors of the two He regions were then mutually suspicious. To reassure them the emperor, in summer, the fourth month, on the day gengyin, made Chongyi a junior chancellor, ennobled his wife and children, and granted him an iron certificate; He sent Censor Zhang Zhu with a handwritten edict summoning Chongyi to court, while appointing his subordinate Lin Gao prefect of Deng.
73
In the fifth month, on the day bingyin, because of the war mobilization the merchant tax was raised to ten percent.
74
使 使西 崿 西
Tian Yue at last joined Li Zhengji and Li Wei Yue in a firm plan to resist the throne. They combined forces and sent troop commissioner Meng You north with five thousand infantry and cavalry to aid Wei Yue. When Xue Song died, Tian Chengsi seized Ming and Xiang by force, leaving the court with only Xing, Ci, and Linming County. Yue wanted the mountains as his frontier and said: 'Xing and Ci are like two eyes in my belly. I must take them.' " He sent troop commissioner Kang Yin with eight thousand men to besiege Xing, stationed Yang Chaoguang with five thousand northwest of Handan to block Zhaoyi's relief, and personally led tens of thousands to besiege Linming. Li Gong, prefect of Xingzhou, and Zhang Pi, commander of Linming, held their walls and resisted stubbornly. Xing Caojun, prefect of Beizhou, was a veteran officer of Tian Chengsi. Though aged, he was shrewd, but Yue favored his personal guard officer Hu E and kept Caojun at a distance. When he attacked Linming, he summoned Caojun to ask his counsel. Caojun said, 'In the art of war, tenfold strength besieges and fivefold strength attacks; you, Minister, are rebelling against the throne—your power is even less than that. Now you halt your army beneath a strong city. When grain runs out and your soldiers are spent, that is the path to your own destruction. Better to post ten thousand troops at Guokou to block the western army—then all twenty-four prefectures of Hebei will be yours.' The generals resented his dissent and together slandered him; Yue did not adopt his plan.”

Footnotes

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