1
楚元王交字游，高祖同父少弟也。 好書，多材藝。 少時嘗與魯穆生、白生、申公俱受詩於浮丘伯。 伯者，孫卿門人也。 及秦焚書，各別去。
Liu Jiao—posthumously honored as Prince Yuan of Chu and styled You—was Gaozu’s youngest brother by the same father. He loved books and showed wide gifts. As a young man he read the *Book of Odes* under Fuqiu Bo with Mu Sheng of Lu, Bai Sheng, and Shen Gong. Fuqiu Bo had been a pupil of Xunzi (Sun Qing). When the Qin ordered the books burned, the scholars scattered.
2
高祖兄弟四人，長兄伯，次仲，伯蚤卒。 高祖既為沛公，景駒自立為楚王。 高祖使仲與審食其留侍太上皇，交與蕭、曹等俱從高祖見景駒，遇項梁，共立楚懷王。 因西攻南陽，入武關，與秦戰於藍田。 至霸上，封交為文信君，從入蜀漢，還定三秦，誅項籍。 即帝位，交與盧綰常侍上，出入臥內，傳言語諸內事隱謀。 而上從父兄劉賈數別將。
Gaozu had four brothers: the eldest Bo, then Zhong—Bo died young. Once Gaozu was made lord of Pei, Jing Ju declared himself king of Chu. Gaozu left Zhong and Shen Yiji to wait on the Senior Emperor; Jiao marched with Xiao He, Cao Shen, and the rest to join Gaozu before Jing Ju, met Xiang Liang, and helped enthrone King Huai of Chu. They drove west into Nanyang, forced Wu Pass, and met Qin troops at Lantian. At Bashang he named Jiao lord Wenxin; Jiao followed him into Shu and Han, returned to settle the three Qin, and helped destroy Xiang Yu. After the accession, Jiao and Lu Wan were constant attendants in the inner chambers, carrying private word and palace secrets. Meanwhile Gaozu’s cousin Liu Jia was again and again given independent commands.
3
漢六年，既廢楚王信，分其地為二國，立賈為荊王，交為楚王，王薛郡、東海、彭城三十六縣，先有功也。 後封次兄仲為代王，長子肥為齊王。
In Han’s sixth year, with King Xin of Chu removed and his territory halved, Gaozu made Jia king of Jing and Jiao king of Chu over thirty-six counties in Xue, Donghai, and Pengcheng—reward for old service. Later Zhong became king of Dai and Gaozu’s eldest son Fei king of Qi.
4
初，高祖微時，常避事，時時與賓客過其丘嫂食。 嫂厭叔與客來，陽為羹盡，轑釜，客以故去。 已而視釜中有羹，繇是怨嫂。 及立齊、代王，而伯子獨不得侯。 太上皇以為言，高祖曰：「某非敢忘封之也，為其母不長者。」 七年十月，封其子信為羹頡侯。
In Gaozu’s lean years he often dodged trouble and would drop in with guests on his elder sister-in-law for a meal. She resented her brother-in-law’s crowds and pretended the pot was empty, scraping the kettle with her ladle until the guests took the hint and left. When he found stew still in the pot, he nursed a grudge against her. Once Qi and Dai were kingdoms, only Bo’s son was left without a fief. The Senior Emperor pleaded for the boy; Gaozu replied, “I have not forgotten him—his mother is no matron worthy of the honor.” In the seventh year, tenth month, he enfeoffed the son Xin as marquis of Gengjie—“Scrape-the-Pot.”
5
元王既至楚，以穆生、白生、申公為中大夫。 高后時，浮丘伯在長安，元王遣子郢客與申公俱卒業。 文帝時，聞申公為詩最精，以為博士。 元王好詩，諸子皆讀詩，申公始為詩傳，號魯詩。 元王亦次之詩傳，號曰元王詩，世或有之。
Once Prince Yuan was in Chu, he made Mu Sheng, Bai Sheng, and Shen Gong middle-rank palace counsellors. Under Empress Gao, Fuqiu Bo taught at Chang’an; Yuan sent his son Ying Ke with Shen Gong to finish their schooling. Wendi heard that Shen Gong’s scholarship in the *Odes* was unmatched and appointed him an erudite. Yuan loved the *Odes*; every son studied them. Shen Gong wrote the first commentary, the tradition later called Lu *Odes*. Yuan wrote a commentary too, called the Prince Yuan *Odes*; fragments still circulate.
6
高后時，以元王子郢客為宗正，封上邳侯。 元王立二十三年薨，太子辟非先卒，文帝乃以宗正上邳侯郢客嗣，是為夷王。 申公為博士，失官，隨郢客歸，復以為中大夫。 立四年薨，子戊嗣。 文帝尊寵元王，子生，爵比皇子。 景帝即位，以親親封元王寵子五人：子禮為平陸侯，富為休侯，歲為沈猶侯，埶為宛朐侯，調為棘樂侯。
Under Empress Gao, Yuan’s son Ying Ke became director of imperial clan affairs and marquis of Shangpi. Yuan ruled twenty-three years and died; crown prince Pi Fei had already fallen, so Wendi moved Ying Ke from the directorate to the throne as King Yi. Shen Gong lost his erudite chair, followed Ying Ke back to Chu, and was again named middle counsellor. Yi ruled four years and died; his son Wu inherited. Wendi doted on the memory of Prince Yuan: when a son was born to the line, he gave the child rank on a par with the emperor’s own boys. Jingdi, favoring close kin, enfeoffed five of Yuan’s pampered sons—Li at Pinglu, Fu at Xiu, Sui at Shenyou, Shi at Wanqu, Diao at Jile.
7
王戊稍淫暴，二十年，為薄太后服私姦，削東海、薛郡，乃與吳通謀。 二人諫，不聽，胥靡之，衣之赭衣，使杵臼雅舂於市。 休侯使人諫王，王曰：「季父不吾與，我起，先取季父矣。」 休侯懼，乃與母太夫人奔京師。 二十一年春，景帝之三年也，削書到，遂應吳王反。 其相張尚、太傅趙夷吾諫，不聽。 遂殺尚、夷吾，起兵會吳西攻梁，破棘壁，至昌邑南，與漢將周亞夫戰。 漢絕吳楚糧道，士饑，吳王走，戊自殺，軍遂降漢。
Liu Wu, king of Chu, turned violent and debauched; in his twentieth year on the throne he disgraced himself during mourning for Empress Dowager Bo, lost Donghai and Xue, and then leagued with the king of Wu. They remonstrated; he ignored them, shaved them for convict labor, dressed them in ochre robes, and set them pounding in the public market. Marquis Fu of Xiu sent a warning; Wu answered, “If my paternal uncle will not back me, when I rise he will be the first I take.” Fu took fright and bolted to the capital with his mother, the dowager lady. In spring of his twenty-first year—Jingdi’s third year—the stripping edict arrived and he joined the king of Wu in revolt. Chancellor Zhang Shang and grand tutor Zhao Yiwu pleaded with him; he would not hear them. He executed Shang and Yiwu, mobilized, marched with Wu west against Liang, stormed Ji’s wall, reached south of Changyi, and met Zhou Yafu. Han strangled the supply lines; the men went hungry; the king of Wu fled; Liu Wu killed himself; the Chu host capitulated.
8
初，休侯富既奔京師，而王戊反，富等皆坐免侯，削屬籍。 後聞其數諫戊，乃更封為紅侯。 太夫人與竇太后有親，懲山東之寇，求留京師，詔許之。 富子辟彊等四人供養，仕於朝。 太夫人薨，賜塋，葬靈戶。 富傳國至曾孫，無子，絕。
Earlier Fu had reached the capital; when Wu rose, Fu and his kin lost their marquisates and were struck from the roll. Learning how often Fu had warned Wu, the court re-enfeoffed him at Hong. The dowager lady was related to Empress Dowager Dou; fearing turmoil in the east, she asked to stay in the capital and was allowed. Fu’s son Piqiang and four brothers kept her household and served at court. When she died the throne gave her a tomb plot at Linghu. Fu’s line ran to a great-grandson and died out for want of an heir.
9
劉辟彊
Liu Piqiang.
10
德字路叔少，修黃老術，有智略。 少時數言事，召見甘泉宮，武帝謂之「千里駒」。 昭帝初，為宗正丞，雜治劉澤詔獄。 父為宗正，徙大鴻臚丞，遷太中大夫，後復為宗正，雜案上官氏、蓋主事。 德常持老子知足之計。 妻死，大將軍光欲以女妻之，德不敢取，畏盛滿也。 蓋長公主孫譚遮德自言，德數責以公主起居無狀。 侍御史以為光望不受女，承指劾德誹謗詔獄，免為庶人，屏居山田。 光聞而恨之，復白召德守青州刺史。 歲餘，復為宗正，與立宣帝，以定策賜爵關內侯。 地節中，以親親行謹厚封為陽城侯。 子安民為郎中右曹，宗家以德得官宿衛者二十餘人。
Liu De, courtesy name Lushu, studied Huang–Lao methods from boyhood and was shrewd. While still young he often spoke on policy; summoned to Ganquan, Wudi called him a “colt that runs a thousand li.” Under Zhaodi he served as assistant director of clan affairs and helped try Liu Ze’s edict case. His father had been clan director; De rose to assistant grand herald, then grand counsellor of the palace, then clan director again, and helped try the Shangguans and Princess Gai. De lived by Laozi’s counsel to know when enough is enough. When his wife died, Huo Guang offered a daughter; De declined, wary of riding too high. Gai’s grandson Tan waylaid De to plead; De scolded him again for the princess’s scandalous behavior. An attendant secretary, guessing Guang’s pique at the refused match, impeached De for slander; he fell to commoner status and withdrew to a farm. Guang heard, smarted, then had him recalled as governor of Qingzhou. A year later he was clan director again, helped raise Xuandi to the throne, and earned a marquisate-within-the-passes for that counsel. Mid-Dijie, for kinship and steady virtue he was made marquis of Yangcheng. Son Anmin served in the palace right bureau; over twenty kinsmen won guard posts through De’s influence.
11
向字子政，本名更生。 年十二，以父德任為輦郎。 既冠，以行修飭擢為諫大夫。 是時，宣帝循武帝故事，招選名儒俊材置左右。 更生以通達能屬文辭，與王褒、張子僑等並進對，獻賦頌凡數十篇。 上復興神僊方術之事，而淮南有枕中鴻寶苑秘書。 書言神僊使鬼物為金之術，及鄒衍重道延命方，世人莫見，而更生父德武帝時治淮南獄得其書。 更生幼而讀誦，以為奇，獻之，言黃金可成。 上令典尚方鑄作事，費甚多，方不驗。 上乃下更生吏，吏劾更生鑄偽黃金，繫當死。 更生兄陽城侯安民上書，入國戶半，贖更生罪。 上亦奇其材，得踰冬減死論。 會初立穀梁春秋，徵更生受穀梁，講論五經於石渠。 復拜為郎中給事黃門，遷散騎諫大夫給事中。
Liu Xiang, style Zheng, was first named Gengsheng. At twelve he entered the palanquin corps on his father’s privilege. After capping, his sober conduct won him promotion to remonstrant grandee. Xuandi, copying Wudi’s habit, called famous scholars and sharp men to court. Gengsheng’s fluency and prose earned him joint audiences with Wang Bao, Zhang Ziqiao, and others; he offered dozens of rhapsodies and hymns. The emperor revived immortality lore; Huainan held the pillow-sealed *Hongbao* and garden esoterica. It promised spirits, ghosts, and transmutation to gold, with Zou Yan’s “double path” and longevity recipes—rare texts De had seized when he judged Huainan’s case under Wudi. Gengsheng had memorized it as a boy, thought it wonder-working, presented it, and claimed gold could be made. The throne put him over the imperial foundries; costs soared and nothing came of the recipe. He was handed to the law; they charged him with counterfeit gold and bound him for execution. His brother Anmin, marquis of Yangcheng, offered half his fief’s households to redeem him. The emperor valued his gifts and, after he survived winter in jail, spared his life. As the new Guliang *Spring and Autumn* chair opened, he was summoned to master it and debate the five classics at the Stone Canal conference. He was restored as gentleman at the Yellow Gate, then attendant cavalry remonstrant grandee in attendance.
12
竊聞故前將軍蕭望之等，皆忠正無私，欲致大治，忤於貴戚尚書。 今道路人聞望之等復進，以為且復見毀讒，必曰嘗有過之臣不宜復用，是大不然。 臣聞春秋地震，為在位執政太盛也，不為三獨夫動，亦已明矣。 且往者高皇帝時，季布有罪，至於夷滅，後赦以為將軍，高后、孝文之間卒為名臣。 孝武帝時兒寬有重罪繫，按道侯韓說諫曰：「前吾丘壽王死，陛下至今恨之； 今殺寬，後將復大恨矣！」 上感其言，遂貰寬，復用之，位至御史大夫，御史大夫未有及寬者也。 又董仲舒坐私為災異書，主父偃取奏之，下吏，罪至不道，幸蒙不誅，復為太中大夫，膠西相，以老病免歸。 漢有所欲興，常有詔問。 仲舒為世儒宗，定議有益天下。 孝宣皇帝時，夏侯勝坐誹謗繫獄，三年免為庶人。 宣帝復用勝，至長信少府，太子太傅，名敢直言，天下美之。 若乃群臣，多此比類，難一二記。 有過之臣，無負國家，有益天下，此四臣者，足以觀矣。
I hear the late general Xiao Wangzhi and his like were straight as a line and sought good rule, yet crossed the great families and palace secretaries. Word on the street is that Wangzhi’s party will return—and will be torn down again; folk will say disgraced men must never be used again. That is dead wrong. The *Spring and Autumn* blames earthquakes on overmighty ministers, not on three isolated men—that lesson is plain. Remember Gaozu: Ji Bu faced clan extinction, was pardoned, made a general, and between Lü and Wendi became a statesman of renown. Under Wudi, Ni Kuan sat in heavy bonds; Han Shuo of Andao warned, “When Wuqiu Shouwang died, Your Majesty still aches for it; If you kill Kuan now, a deeper regret will follow!” Moved, the emperor spared Kuan, reused him, and raised him to grandee secretary—none ever outshone him. Dong Zhongshu drafted illicit portent texts; Zhufu Yan seized them; he faced capital charges yet lived, served again as grand counsellor and Jiaoxi chancellor, then retired ill. Whenever the court wished to launch a policy, edicts would query Dong Zhongshu. He was the age’s Confucian patriarch; his judgments helped the empire. Under Xuandi, Xiahou Sheng sat in jail for slander three years, then was cut to commoner. Xuandi recalled him to chamberlain of Changxin, tutor to the heir, famous for blunt speech—the world admired him. The roll of such ministers is long; two examples cannot exhaust it. Men who stumbled yet never betrayed the throne and still served the common good—these four prove the rule.
13
書奏，恭、顯疑其更生所為，白請考姦詐。 辭果服，遂逮更生繫獄，下太傅韋玄成、諫大夫貢禹，與廷尉雜考。 劾更生前為九卿，坐與望之、堪謀排車騎將軍高、許、史氏侍中者，毀離親戚，欲退去之，而獨專權。 為臣不忠，幸不伏誅，復蒙恩徵用，不悔前過，而教令人言變事，誣罔不道。 更生坐免為庶人。 而望之亦坐使子上書自冤前事，恭、顯白令詣獄置對。 望之自殺。 天子甚悼恨之，乃擢周堪為光祿勳，堪弟子張猛光祿大夫給事中，大見信任。 恭、顯憚之，數譖毀焉。 更生見堪、猛在位，幾己得復進，懼其傾危，乃上封事諫曰：
When the memorial went up, Hong Gong and Shi Xian guessed Gengsheng had written it and asked for an inquest. He confessed; Gengsheng was jailed while Grand Tutor Wei Xuancheng, Remonstrant Gong Yu, and the commandant of justice sat in joint trial. They charged his old nine-minister rank, alleging plot with Wangzhi and Zhou Kan to oust General of Chariots and Cavalry Gao and the Xu and Shi palace favorites, slandering kin to clear the field for themselves. Disloyal minister, spared once, favored again, unrepentant, coaching others on omens—rank deceit. Gengsheng was reduced to commoner. Wangzhi too fell for letting his son plead his old case; Hong and Xian had him summoned to jail for questioning. Wangzhi killed himself. The emperor grieved; he raised Zhou Kan to superintendent of the palace and Kan’s pupil Zhang Meng to grand counsellor in attendance—both were trusted. Hong and Xian feared the pair and kept whispering poison. Seeing Kan and Meng in power, hoping for his own recall yet fearing a fall, he filed a sealed remonstrance:
14
臣前幸得以骨肉備九卿，奉法不謹，乃復蒙恩。 竊見災異並起，天地失常，徵表為國。 欲終不言，念忠臣雖在甽畝，猶不忘君，惓惓之義也。 況重以骨肉之親，又加以舊恩未報乎！ 欲竭愚誠，又恐越職，然惟二恩未報，忠臣之義，一杼愚意，退就農畝，死無所恨。
I once held a nine-minister seat as imperial kin; I broke the rules yet was forgiven. Portents cluster; heaven and earth are out of joint—signs meant for the throne. I meant to stay silent, yet loyal men in the furrow still think of their lord—that is devotion. How much more when the bond is blood and old kindness unpaid! I ache to speak plainly yet fear crossing my rank—but two kindnesses are still unpaid, and a loyal man owes this much: I lay out my foolish mind once, then may go back to the plough and meet death content.
15
臣聞舜命九官，濟濟相讓，和之至也。 眾賢和於朝，則萬物和於野。 故簫韶九成，而鳳皇來儀； 擊石拊石，百獸率舞。 四海之內，靡不和寧。 及至周文，開基西郊，雜遝眾賢，罔不肅和，崇推讓之風，以銷分爭之訟。 文王既沒，周公思慕，歌詠文王之德，其《詩》曰：「於穆清廟，肅雍顯相； 濟濟多士，秉文之德。」 當此之時，武王、周公繼政，朝臣和於內，萬國驩於外，故盡得其驩心，以事其先祖。 其《詩》曰：「有來雍雍，至止肅肅，相維辟公，天子穆穆。」 言四方皆以和來也。 諸侯和於下，天應報於上，故周頌曰「降福穰穰」，又曰「飴我釐麰」。 釐麰，麥也，始自天降。 此皆以和致和，獲天助也。
Tradition says Shun’s nine ministers filled the hall deferring to one another—that was harmony perfected. When good men pull together at court, the world beyond the walls falls into tune. Play the Ninefold Shao to its close and phoenixes arrive in measured step; strike the lithophones and every beast sways in time. Under heaven none stood outside that peace. Then came King Wen, founding west of the capital; worthies flocked in, all grave and at one; he prized courtesy until private quarrels died away. After Wen died the Duke of Zhou mourned him in song: “How august the bright temple, how stately those who assist; how thick the host of officers who bear King Wen’s virtue.” Wu and the Duke of Zhou then ruled: harmony within the hall, joy among the states, so every heart gladly served the shrines. The *Odes* adds: “They came in solemn joy, they halted in awe; the great lords stood by; the Son of Heaven shone in still majesty.” It means the corners of the realm arrived in concord. Feudal lords kept peace below, Heaven answered above; the Zhou hymns cry, “Blessings shower thick,” and “Feed us black and yellow grain.” Those grains are wheat—Heaven’s first gift. Harmony called forth harmony and drew Heaven’s help.
16
下至幽、厲之際，朝廷不和，轉相非怨，詩人疾而憂之曰：「民之無良，相怨一方。」 眾小在位而從邪議，歙歙相是而背君子，故其《詩》曰：「歙歙訿訿，亦孔之哀！ 謀之其臧，則具是違； 謀之不臧，則具是依！」 君子獨處守正，不橈眾枉，勉彊以從王事則反見憎毒讒愬，故其《詩》曰：「密勿從事，不敢告勞，無罪無辜，讒口嗷嗷！」 當是之時，日月薄蝕而無光，其《詩》曰：「朔日辛卯，日有蝕之，亦孔之醜！」 又曰：「彼月而微，此日而微，今此下民，亦孔之哀！」 又曰：「日月鞠凶，不用其行； 四國無政，不用其良！」 天變見於上，地變動於下，水泉沸騰，山谷易處。 其《詩》曰：「百川沸騰，山冢卒崩，高岸為谷，深谷為陵。 哀今之人，胡憯莫懲！」 霜降失節，不以其時，其《詩》曰：「正月繁霜，我心憂傷； 民之訛言，亦孔之將！」 言民以是為非，甚眾大也。 此皆不和，賢不肖易位之所致也。
Under You and Li the court split; blame flew; the poets cried, “The people turn vicious, each camp cursing the other.” Petty men took office, flattered wicked plans, hissed approval, and shunned gentlemen—so the *Odes* wails, “Whisper, flatter—what grief! Call a good plan—they spurn it; call a bad plan—they cling to it!” Good men stood straight, refused to bow to the crooked, and for serving the king earned only venom and suit—so the *Odes* says, “I toil in silence, dare not boast my labor; I am blameless, yet slander shouts.” Then sun and moon went dark; the *Odes* records, “On xinmao, the new moon’s day—the sun was eaten—what shame!” Again: “That moon thinned, this sun thinned—oh the pity of the people below!” Again: “Sun and moon hoard disaster, leave their tracks; the four quarters lose the way, spurn their good men!” Heaven showed prodigy above, earth shuddered below, springs seethed, ridges sank into valleys. The *Odes* says, “Every river boils, peak tombs collapse, high shores turn to gullies, deep gullies turn to hills, and pity today’s men—who will call them back?” Frost fell in the wrong month; the *Odes* says, “First month, frost in drifts—my heart breaks; the people’s lies—how huge they swell!” It means the crowd called evil good, and the cry grew vast. All stemmed from discord and good men trading seats with knaves.
17
由此觀之，和氣致祥，乖氣致異； 祥多者其國安，異眾者其國危，天地之常經，古今之通義也。 今陛下開三代之業，招文學之士，優游寬容，使得並進。 今賢不肖渾殽，白黑不分，邪正雜糅，忠讒並進。 章交公車，人滿北軍。 朝臣舛午，膠戾乘剌，更相讒愬，轉相是非。 傳授增加，文書紛糾，前後錯繆，毀譽渾亂。 所以熒惑耳目，感移心意，不可勝載。 分曹為黨，往往群朋，將同心以陷正臣。 正臣進者，治之表也； 正臣陷者，亂之機也。 乘治亂之機，未知孰任，而災異數見，此臣所以寒心者也。 夫乘權藉勢之人，子弟鱗集於朝，羽翼陰附者眾，輻湊於前，毀譽將必用，以終乖離之咎。 是以日月無光，雪霜夏隕，海水沸出，陵谷易處，列星失行，皆怨氣之所致也。 夫遵衰周之軌跡，循詩人之所刺，而欲以成太平，致雅頌，猶卻行而求及前人也。 初元以來六年矣，案春秋六年之中，災異未有稠如今者也。 夫有春秋之異，無孔子之救，猶不能解紛，況甚於春秋乎？
So concord draws blessing; perversity draws wonder; many omens mean a steady realm, many prodigies a tottering one—Heaven’s old law, true in every age. Your Majesty has reopened the work of the three dynasties, welcomed scholars, and let them rise in patient ease. Yet worthy and base are jumbled, black and white blurred, crooked and straight tangled, loyal words and slander ride abreast. Petitions choke the carriage gate; the Northern Army swarms with appellants. Ministers face off at angles; spite finds a perch; they trade indictments and spin each other false. Teachings multiply, files tangle, early and late contradict, praise and blame blur. Thus they dazzled eye and ear, tugged the ruler’s heart, beyond any ledger’s count. They split into bureaus, built cliques, flocked in packs, and meant to ruin straight men as one. Straight ministers rising mark good rule; straight ministers trapped marks the hinge of ruin. Stand at that hinge unsure whom to trust while omens pile up—your servant’s blood runs cold. Men who clutch power breed sons and clients like fish scales, hide allies in shadow, crowd the ruler’s mat, trade slander and praise, and end in bitter split. Hence the lamps of sky go dim, frost falls in summer, seas boil, hills trade places, stars wander—all from choked resentment below. Trace late Zhou’s rut, repeat what the *Odes* condemn, yet hope for peace and hymns of praise—like walking backward to overtake a man ahead. Six years since Chuyuan: in any six years the *Spring and Autumn* records, prodigies never clustered this thick. Those ages had omens yet lacked Confucius to mend them—still confusion reigned; how much worse when omens outrun the classic?
18
原其所以然者，讒邪並進也。 讒邪之所以並進者，由上多疑心，既已用賢人而行善政，如或譖之，則賢人退而善政還。 夫執狐疑之心者，來讒賊之口； 持不斷之意者，開群枉之門。 讒邪進則眾賢退，群枉盛則正士消。 故易有否泰。 小人道長，君子道消，君子道消，則政日亂，故為否。 否者，閉而亂也。 君子道長，小人道消，小人道消，則政日治，故為泰。 泰者，通而治也。 《詩》又云「雨雪麃麃，見晛聿消」，與易同義。 昔者鯀、共工、驩兜與舜、禹雜處堯朝，周公與管、蔡並居周位，當是時，迭進相毀，流言相謗，豈可勝道哉！ 帝堯、成王能賢舜、禹、周公而消共工、管、蔡，故以大治，榮華至今。 孔子與季、孟偕仕於魯，李斯與叔孫俱宦於秦，定公、始皇賢季、孟、李斯而消孔子、叔孫，故以大亂，污辱至今。 故治亂榮辱之端，在所信任； 信任既賢，在於堅固而不移。 《詩》云「我心匪石，不可轉也」。 言守善篤也。 《易》曰「渙汗其大號」。 言號令如汗，汗出而不反者也。 今出善令，未能踰時而反，是反汗也； 用賢未能三旬而退，是轉石也。 《論語》曰：「見不善如探湯。」 今二府奏佞諂不當在位，歷年而不去。 故出令則如反汗，用賢則如轉石，去佞則如拔山，如此望陰陽之調，不亦難乎！
The root is slander rising in packs. It rises because the throne doubts: worthies win trust and good rule begins, then a whisper strikes and worthies fall and good policy snaps back. Doubt in the breast invites slander at the lip; hesitation in the hand opens the gate to every crooked thing. Slander rises and good men fade; wrong swells and straight men disappear. So the *Changes* pair Obstruction and Peace. Petty men wax, gentlemen wane; gentlemen wane and rule rots daily—that is Obstruction. Obstruction is closure and chaos. Gentlemen wax, petty men wane; petty men wane and order grows daily—that is Peace. Peace is openness and calm. The *Odes* adds, “Snow falls thick, yet sun melts it”—the same lesson as the *Changes*. Once Gun, Gonggong, and Huandou jostled Shun and Yu at Yao’s court; the Duke of Zhou sat with Guan and Cai—then rivals climbed over one another, rumor flew—who could count the tales? Yao and Cheng exalted Shun, Yu, and the Duke of Zhou and cut away Gonggong and the Guan-Cai faction—hence great order whose glory endures. Confucius served Lu beside the Ji and Meng; Li Si served Qin beside Shusun; Ding and the First Emperor prized Ji, Meng, and Li Si and cast off Confucius and Shusun—hence ruin whose shame lingers. So order, chaos, honor, and shame turn on whom you trust; once worthies win trust, hold that trust like iron. The *Odes* says, “My heart is no stone—it will not pivot.” It praises steadfast good. The *Changes* says, “Dispersing—sweat issues with the great command.” Meaning edicts should run like sweat—once out, they do not crawl back. Today a good decree lasts less than a season before it is recalled—that is sweat running uphill; a worthy serves less than thirty days and is cast aside—that is trying to spin stone. The *Analects* says, “Seeing evil should scald like boiling water.” The two bureaus report flatterers unfit to serve, yet year on year they stay. Orders run backward, worthies spin like stone, knaves cling like mountains—under this, hoping yin and yang will balance is vain.
19
是以群小窺見間隙，緣飾文字，巧言醜詆，流言飛文，譁於民間。 故《詩》云：「憂心悄悄，慍于群小。」 小人成群，誠足慍也。 昔孔子與顏淵、子貢更相稱譽，不為朋黨； 禹、稷與皋陶傳相汲引，不為比周。 何則？ 忠於為國，無邪心也。 故賢人在上位，則引其類而聚之於朝，《易》曰「飛龍在天，大人聚也」； 在下位，則思與其類俱進，《易》曰「拔茅茹以其彙，征吉」。 在上則引其類，在下則推其類，故湯用伊尹，不仁者遠，而眾賢至，類相致也。 今佞邪與賢臣並在交戟之內，合黨共謀，違善依惡，歙歙訿訿，數設危險之言，欲以傾移主上。 如忽然用之，此天地之所以先戒，災異之所以重至者也。
So petty men watch for cracks, polish false briefs, hiss clever slander, float rumor and pamphlets, and roil the streets. The *Odes* says, “My care gnaws; I rage at the swarm of little men.” A pack of knaves is enough to stir any honest wrath. Confucius and Yan Yuan and Zigong praised one another yet formed no faction; Yu and Ji and Gao Yao lifted one another yet wove no cabal. Why? They served the state with whole hearts and kept free of crooked will. Worthies aloft draw their kind to court—the *Changes* says, “Flying dragon in heaven—the great man gathers.” Worthies below seek to rise with their kind—the *Changes* says, “Pull rushes by the root with their clump—marching brings good.” High or low they lift their kind; Tang used yiyin day and the vile fled while worthies poured in—like summons like. Now slanderers and good men stand together inside the palace halberds, league in cliques, shun right and hug wrong, whisper and smirk, and hawk peril meant to sway the throne. If such men are suddenly trusted, that is why Heaven and earth cry warning and omens stack thick.
20
自古明聖，未有無誅而治者也，故舜有四放之罰，而孔子有兩觀之誅，然後聖化可得而行也。 今以陛下明知，誠深思天地之心，跡察兩觀之誅，覽否泰之卦，觀雨雪之詩，歷周、唐之所進以為法，原秦、魯之所消以為戒，考祥應之福，省災異之禍，以揆當世之變，放遠佞邪之黨，壞散險詖之聚，杜閉群枉之門，廣開眾正之路，決斷狐疑，分別猶豫，使是非炳然可知，則百異消滅，而眾祥並至，太平之基，萬世之利也。
No wise age ever ruled without the axe: Shun banished the four criminals; Confucius struck down the two watchers—only then could sage rule run. With your clear sight, ponder Heaven and earth, study the two-watchers stroke, read Obstruction and Peace, heed the snow-and-frost oaths, model Zhou and Tang, shun Qin and Lu’s fall, weigh blessing against bane, read this age’s drift, drive flatterers off, smash cabals of guile, shut the crooked gate, open the straight road, end wavering, part yes from no until truth burns plain—then prodigies die and blessings crowd in: the bedrock of peace, a boon for endless heirs.
21
臣幸得託肺附，誠見陰陽不調，不敢不通所聞。 竊推春秋災異，以效今事一二，條其所以，不宜宣泄。 臣謹重封昧死上。
I am kin close as lung to side and cannot hide what I see: yin and yang are out of tune. I match a few Spring and Autumn omens to today’s signs and list their roots—this should not be shouted in the market. I seal again and, risking my life, submit.
22
恭、顯見其書，愈與許、史比而怨更生等。 堪性公方，自見孤立，遂直道而不曲。 是歲夏寒，日青無光，恭、顯及許、史皆言堪、猛用事之咎。 上內重堪，又患眾口之寖潤，無所取信。 時長安令楊興以材能幸，常稱譽堪。 上欲以為助，乃見問興：「朝臣齗齗不可光祿勳，何也？」 興者傾巧士，謂上疑堪，因順指曰：「堪非獨不可於朝廷，自州里亦不可也。 臣見眾人聞堪前與劉更生等謀毀骨肉，以為當誅，故臣前言堪不可誅傷，為國養恩也。」 上曰：「然此何罪而誅？ 今宜奈何？」 興曰：「臣愚以為可賜爵關內侯，食邑三百戶，勿令典事。 明主不失師傅之恩，此最策之得者也。」 上於是疑。 會城門校尉諸葛豐亦言堪、猛短，上因發怒免豐。 語在其傳。 又曰：「豐言堪、猛貞信不立，朕閔而不治，又惜其材能未有所效，其左遷堪為河東太守，猛槐里令。」
Hong and Xian read the memorial, clung tighter to Xu and Shi, and hated Gengsheng’s party more. Zhou Kan was square by nature; seeing himself alone, he walked straight and would not crook. That summer turned cold; the sun ran pale; Hong, Xian, Xu, and Shi blamed Kan and Meng’s power for it. The emperor prized Kan within yet feared the slow drip of many tongues and could not tell whom to believe. Yang Xing, prefect of Chang’an, had won favor for his wit and often praised Kan. The emperor meant to use him and asked, “Why do ministers snap that Kan must not be superintendent of the palace?” Xing was a trimmer; guessing the emperor’s doubt, he said, “Kan is unfit not only at court—he would fail even in his home hamlet. The mob heard Kan once plotted with Liu Gengsheng to wound imperial kin and cried for his head; my earlier plea that he not die was to spare the state a needless stain.” The emperor said, “What crime is that, to merit execution? What should we do now?” Xing said, “Give him rank within the passes and three hundred households’ income, but no office. A wise ruler still honors a teacher—that is the cleanest course.” The emperor hesitated. Zhuge Feng, colonel of the gates, also attacked Kan and Meng; the emperor, furious, cashiered Feng. His story is told in his own chapter. He added, “Feng charged Kan and Meng with lacking steadfast faith; I spared them yet wasted their gifts—so I sent Kan to Hedong and Meng to Huaili.”
23
顯等專權日甚。 後三歲餘，孝宣廟闕災，其晦，日有蝕之。 於是上召諸前言日變在堪、猛者責問，皆稽首謝。 乃因下詔曰：「河東太守堪，先帝賢之，命而傅朕。 資質淑茂，道術通明，論議正直，秉心有常，發憤悃愊，信有憂國之心。 以不能阿尊事貴，孤特寡助，抑厭遂退，卒不克明。 往者眾臣見異，不務自修，深惟其故，而反晻昧說天，託咎此人。 朕不得已，出而試之，以彰其材。 堪出之後，大變仍臻，眾亦嘿然。 堪治未期年，而三老官屬有識之士詠頌其美，使者過郡，靡人不稱。 此固足以彰先帝之知人，而朕有以自明也。 俗人乃造端作基，非議詆欺，或引幽隱，非所宜明，意疑以類，欲以陷之，朕亦不取也。 朕迫于俗，不得專心，乃者天著大異，朕甚懼焉。 今堪年衰歲暮，恐不得自信，排於異人，將安究之哉？ 其徵堪詣行在所。」 拜為光祿大夫，秩中二千石，領尚書事。 猛復為太中大夫給事中。 顯幹尚書，尚書五人，皆其黨也。 堪希得見，常因顯白事，事決顯口。 會堪疾瘖，不能言而卒。 顯誣譖猛，令自殺於公車。 更生傷之，乃著疾讒、擿要、救危及世頌，凡八篇，依興古事，悼己及同類也。 遂廢十餘年。
Hong Gong’s faction tightened its grip by the day. Three years on, fire struck Xuandi’s temple; on the month’s dark day the sun was eaten. He called in everyone who had blamed Kan and Meng for the eclipse; they kowtowed and begged pardon. Then came an edict: “Kan of Hedong—Xuandi judged him worthy and set him to instruct me. He is clear-minded, learned, outspoken, steady, blunt with honest care for the realm. He would not fawn on power, stood alone, was shoved aside, and his light never broke through. When omens came, the court never looked inward but blamed Kan. I had to post him out to prove his worth. Great prodigies kept coming even after he left—the critics fell silent. Inside a year the gentry of Hedong sang his praise; every envoy through the district praised him. That shows Xuandi’s eye for men—and clears my own name. Petty men now spin tales and dark hints to trap him—I will not hear it. Custom pins my hands; lately Heaven has shouted—I am afraid. Kan is old; I fear strangers will crowd him—how can I set that right? Summon Kan to my traveling court.” He was made grand counsellor of the palace at full two-thousand-picul rank and put over the masters of writing. Meng returned as grand counsellor in attendance. Shi Xian ran the masters of writing; all five were his creatures. Kan could barely see the throne; every report ran through Xian’s mouth. Kan fell mute, could not speak, and died. Xian framed Meng and forced him to suicide at the carriage gate. Gengsheng mourned them in eight essays—*Against Slander*, *Picking the Crux*, *Saving from Peril*, *Praise of the Age*—drawing on ancient parallels, grieving for himself and his circle. He was left idle for a dozen years.
24
久之，營起昌陵，數年不成，復還歸延陵，制度泰奢。 向上疏諫曰：
Years passed: builders raised Changling, could not finish, fell back to Yanling, and spent wildly. Liu Xiang then memorialized:
25
臣聞易曰：「安不忘危，存不忘亡，是以身安而國家可保也。」 故賢聖之君，博觀終始，窮極事情，而是非分明。 王者必通三統，明天命所授者博，非獨一姓也。 孔子論詩，至於「殷士膚敏，祼將于京」，喟然歎曰：「大哉天命！ 善不可不傳于子孫，是以富貴無常； 不如是，則王公其何以戒慎，民萌何以勸勉？」 蓋傷微子之事周，而痛殷之亡也。 雖有堯舜之聖，不能化丹朱之子； 雖有禹湯之德，不能訓末孫之桀紂。 自古及今，未有不亡之國也。 昔高皇帝既滅秦，將都雒陽，感寤劉敬之言，自以德不及周，而賢於秦，遂徙都關中，依周之德，因秦之阻。 世之長短，以德為效，故常戰栗，不敢諱亡。 孔子所謂「富貴無常」，蓋謂此也。
Your servant has heard the *Changes* says, “Do not forget danger in safety nor ruin in survival—then person and realm endure.” Wise kings scan the whole arc of events until truth sorts itself. A king must grasp the three successions: Heaven’s mandate is wide, not locked to one clan. When Confucius read the *Odes* to “Yin knights, keen in the capital rite,” he sighed, “Great is Heaven’s command! Virtue must reach sons and grandsons—so fortune is never fixed; otherwise how would lords learn fear and commoners learn zeal?” He mourned Weizi’s turn to Zhou and Yin’s end. Yao and Shun could not mend Dan Zhu’s sons; Yu and Tang could not school Jie and Zhou’s last seed. No realm under heaven has lived forever. Gaozu meant to settle at Luoyang until Liu Jing woke him; judging himself below Zhou yet above Qin, he moved within the passes, borrowing Zhou’s virtue and Qin’s terrain. A dynasty’s span rides on virtue—so he trembled and never dodged the word “fall.” Confucius’ “riches shift” means just this.
26
孝文皇帝居霸陵，北臨廁，意悽愴悲懷，顧謂群臣曰：「嗟乎！ 以北山石為槨，用紵絮斮陳漆其間，豈可動哉！」 張釋之進曰：「使其中有可欲，雖錮南山猶有隙； 使其中無可欲，雖無石槨，又何慼焉？」 夫死者無終極，而國家有廢興，故釋之之言，為無窮計也。 孝文寤焉，遂薄葬，不起山墳。
Wendi walked Baling’s ridge, gazed north, grew sad, and told his court, “Ah! North-shoulder stone for a shell, ramie floss chopped fine and lacquered in the seams—who could breach that!” Zhang Shizhi answered, “If greed hides inside, even sealing Mount Zhongnan leaves a seam; if nothing tempts the thief, even without stone, why fear?” Death does not end, but dynasties do—Shizhi spoke for eternity.” Wendi took the point, buried plainly, raised no mound.
27
《易》曰：「古之葬者，厚衣之以薪，臧之中野，不封不樹。 後世聖人易之以棺槨。」 棺槨之作，自黃帝始。 黃帝葬於橋山，堯葬濟陰，丘壟皆小，葬具甚微。 舜葬蒼梧，二妃不從。 禹葬會稽，不改其列。 殷湯無葬處。 文、武、周公葬於畢，秦穆公葬於雍橐泉宮祈年館下，樗里子葬於武庫，皆無丘隴之處。 此聖帝明王賢君智士遠覽獨慮無窮之計也。 其賢臣孝子亦承命順意而薄葬之，此誠奉安君父，忠孝之至也。
The *Changes* says, “The ancients wrapped the dead in brush, laid them in the plain, heaped no mound, planted no tree; later sages gave them inner and outer shells.” Coffins began with the Yellow Emperor. The Yellow Emperor lies at Qiao; Yao at Jiyin—low mounds, scant gear. Shun sleeps at Cangwu without his two wives at his side. Yu rests at Kuaiji, leaving the old rows untouched. Shang Tang has no known tomb. Wen, Wu, and the Duke of Zhou lie at Bi; Duke Mu of Qin under Yong’s Qinuoquan prayer hall; Juzi at the arsenal—none under great heaps. That is how sage kings plan for the long view. Good sons and loyal ministers obeyed and buried lightly—true peace for father and lord, the crown of duty.
28
逮至吳王闔閭，違禮厚葬，十有餘年，越人發之。 及秦惠文、武、昭、嚴襄五王，皆大作丘隴，多其瘞臧，咸盡發掘暴露，甚足悲也。 秦始皇帝葬於驪山之阿，下錮三泉，上崇山墳，其高五十餘丈，周回五里有餘； 石槨為游館，人膏為燈燭，水銀為江海，黃金為鳧雁。 珍寶之臧，機械之變，棺槨之麗，宮館之盛，不可勝原。 又多殺宮人，生薶工匠，計以萬數。 天下苦其役而反之，驪山之作未成，而周章百萬之師至其下矣。 項籍燔其宮室營宇，往者咸見發掘。 其後牧兒亡羊，羊入其鑿，牧者持火照求羊，失火燒其臧槨。 自古至今，葬未有盛如始皇者也，數年之間，外被項籍之災，內離牧豎之禍，豈不哀哉！
Helü of Wu broke rites for a rich tomb; Yue opened it within a decade. Qin’s Huiwen, Wu, Zhao, Yanxiang, and Xiangwang piled high tombs and treasure; robbers stripped every one—a bitter sight. The First Emperor slept at Li’s foot, clamped to the triple spring, crowned by a mound fifty ren high and five li around; stone chambers became halls, human tallow fed lamps, mercury stood for seas, gold for wildfowl. Gems, traps, painted coffins, palace rooms—no inventory can hold them. He slaughtered concubines and buried craftsmen alive—counted in tens of thousands. The realm groaned under his corvée; Li was not done when Zhou Zhang’s million men stood below it. Xiang Yu torched the halls; later ages dug the wreck. A herder’s sheep fell into a shaft; he lowered a torch to find it and set the hidden vault ablaze. No tomb ever matched his; within years it met Xiang Yu without and a boy’s torch within—what grief!
29
是故德彌厚者葬彌薄，知愈深者葬愈微。 無德寡知，其葬愈厚，丘隴彌高，宮廟甚麗，發掘必速。 由是觀之，明暗之效，葬之吉凶，昭然可見矣。 周德既衰而奢侈，宣王賢而中興，更為儉宮室，小寢廟。 詩人美之，斯干之詩是也，上章道宮室之如制，下章言子孫之眾多也。 及魯嚴公刻飾宗廟，多築臺囿，後嗣再絕，春秋刺焉。 周宣如彼而昌，魯、秦如此而絕，是則奢儉之得失也。
Deep virtue means spare tomb; deep sense means modest grave. The hollower the man, the grander the pile—the faster the looters come. So light and dark, lucky and ill tombs, stare you in the face. Late Zhou grew wasteful; worthy King Xuan shrank halls and shrines. The *Odes* praise it in “Spreading Dry”—upper lines on lawful halls, lower on many heirs. Duke Yan of Lu gilded the temple and piled terraces until his line failed twice—the *Spring and Autumn* flays him. Zhou rose on thrift; Lu and Qin fell on waste—that is the sum.
30
書奏，上甚感向言，而不能從其計。
The emperor felt Xiang’s words yet could not follow them.
31
向睹俗彌奢淫，而趙、衛之屬起微賤，踰禮制。 向以為王教由內及外，自近者始。 故採取詩書所載賢妃貞婦，興國顯家可法則，及孽嬖亂亡者，序次為列女傳，凡八篇，以戒天子。 及采傳記行事，著新序、說苑凡五十篇奏之。 數上疏言得失，陳法戒。 書數十上，以助觀覽，補遺闕。 上雖不能盡用，然內嘉其言，常嗟歎之。
Xiang watched fashion turn wild while Zhao, Wei, and such climbed from low birth past every rule. He held that royal teaching starts within and spreads outward, from the near first. So he culled the classics for good wives and bad favorites, set them in *Biographies of Exemplary Women* in eight scrolls to warn the throne. He also compiled tales into *New Prefaces* and *Garden of Persuasions*, fifty scrolls, and presented them. He kept memorializing on right and wrong, law and caution. Dozens of memorials went up to fill gaps in the ruler’s reading. The emperor could not act on all of it but prized the counsel and often sighed praise.
32
時上無繼嗣，政由王氏出，災異尤甚。 向雅奇陳湯智謀，與相親友，獨謂湯曰：「災異如此，而外家日甚，其漸必危劉氏。 吾幸得同姓末屬，絫世蒙漢厚恩，身為宗室遺老，歷事三主。 上以我先帝舊臣，每進見常加優禮，吾而不言，孰當言者？」 向遂上封事極諫曰：
The throne lacked an heir; the Wangs ran the state; omens thickened. Xiang admired Chen Tang’s wit and was his friend; alone he told him, “Omens pile up while affines wax—the Liu house is sliding toward peril. I am a twig of the Liu line, long fed by Han, an old clan man who has served three emperors. The emperor still honors me as Xuandi’s old servant—if I stay silent, who will speak?” Xiang then filed a sealed remonstrance:
33
臣聞人君莫不欲安，然而常危，莫不欲存，然而常亡，失御臣之術也。 夫大臣操權柄，持國政，未有不為害者也。 昔晉有六卿，齊有田、崔，衛有孫、甯，魯有季、孟，常掌國事，世執朝柄。 終後田氏取齊； 六卿分晉； 崔杼弒其君光； 孫林父、甯殖出其君衎，弒其君剽； 季氏八佾舞於庭，三家者以雍徹，並專國政，卒逐昭公。 周大夫尹氏筦朝事，濁亂王室，子朝、子猛更立，連年乃定。 故經曰「王室亂」，又曰「尹氏殺王子克」，甚之也。 春秋舉成敗，錄禍福，如此類甚眾，皆陰盛而陽微，下失臣道之所致也。 故書曰：「臣之有作威作福，害于而家，凶于而國。」 孔子曰「祿去公室，政逮大夫」，危亡之兆。 秦昭王舅穰侯及涇陽、葉陽君專國擅勢，上假太后之威，三人者權重於昭王，家富於秦國，國甚危殆，賴寤范睢之言，而秦復存。 二世委任趙高，專權自恣，壅蔽大臣，終有閻樂望夷之禍，秦遂以亡。 近事不遠，即漢所代也。
No ruler wants danger yet courts it, wants ruin yet finds it—he has forgotten how to master his ministers. Ministers who clutch the levers never fail to harm the throne. Jin had six clans, Qi Tian and Cui, Wei Sun and Ning, Lu Ji and Meng—each ran the state for generations. At last Tian seized Qi; six houses carved Jin; Cui Zhu killed Duke Guang; Sun and Ning drove Duke Xian of Wei into exile and assassinated Duke Shang; Ji danced eight rows in his yard; three houses sang “Yong” at the sacrifice—then seized power and chased Duke Zhao. Zhou’s Yin Shi ran the court, fouled the royal house, set Zichao and Zimeng by turns, and years passed before order returned. Hence the classic cries “the royal house falls in chaos” and “Yin killed prince Ke”—the blame is heavy.” The classic piles examples of rise and fall—almost all trace yin swelling while yang thins, ministers forgetting their station. The *Documents* warns: “When ministers seize power and favor, your house suffers and the state totters.” Confucius said, “When pay leaves the public hall for private grandees,” ruin knocks. Zhao of Qin let uncles Rang, Jingyang, and Yeyang run the realm; they outweighed the king until Fan Ju’s wake-up call saved Qin. Ershi handed the realm to Zhao Gao until Yan Le struck at Wangyi and Qin fell. That was yesterday—the dynasty your Han replaced.
34
漢興，諸呂無道，擅相尊王。 呂產、呂祿席太后之寵，據將相之位，兼南北軍之眾，擁梁、趙王之尊，驕盈無厭，欲危劉氏。 賴忠正大臣絳侯、朱虛侯等竭誠盡節以誅滅之，然後劉氏復安。 今王氏一姓乘朱輪華轂者二十三人，青紫貂蟬充盈幄內，魚鱗左右。 大將軍秉事用權，五侯驕奢僭盛，並作威福，擊斷自恣，行汙而寄治，身私而託公，依東宮之尊，假甥舅之親，以為威重。 尚書九卿州牧郡守皆出其門，筦執樞機，朋黨比周。 稱譽者登進，忤恨者誅傷； 游談者助之說，執政者為之言。 排擯宗室，孤弱公族，其有智能者，尤非毀而不進。 遠絕宗室之任，不令得給事朝省，恐其與己分權； 數稱燕王、蓋主以疑上心，避諱呂、霍而弗肯稱。 內有管、蔡之萌，外假周公之論，兄弟據重，宗族磐互。 歷上古至秦漢，外戚僭貴未有如王氏者也。 雖周皇甫、秦穰侯、漢武安、呂、霍、上官之屬，皆不及也。
At Han’s rise the Lü clan broke the Way and crowned each other. Lü Chan and Lü Lu leaned on the empress dowager, held sword and tally, both armies, and the kings of Liang and Zhao, and meant to unseat Liu. Zhou Bo of Jiang and Liu Zhang of Zhuxu and their party slew them and restored the Liu. Twenty-three Wangs ride grand chariots; purple sable fills the curtains like scales. The general-in-chief rules; five marquises strut; they play judge while filthy, steal in the name of order, lean on the heir-apparent’s hall and affinal ties to loom large. Secretaries, nine ministers, governors—all are their clients; they hold the hinge and pack court. Flatterers rise; dissenters bleed; gossips polish their tale; ministers echo it. They shove Liu kin aside, starve the house; sharp men they slander hardest. They bar clan men from the hall lest they split authority; they harp on Yan and Princess Gai to cloud your mind yet never say “Lü” or “Huo.” Inside it is Guan and Cai again; outside they wrap in Duke of Zhou’s cloth—brothers heavy, clan interlocked. No affines in history ever climbed like the Wangs. Huangfu, Rang, Wu’an, Lü, Huo, Shangguan—all pale beside them.
35
物盛必有非常之變先見，為其人微象。 孝昭帝時，冠石立於泰山，仆柳起於上林。 而孝宣帝即位，今王氏先祖墳墓在濟南者，其梓柱生枝葉，扶疏上出屋，根艺地中，雖立石起柳，無以過此之明也。 事勢不兩大，王氏與劉氏亦且不並立，如下有泰山之安，則上有累卵之危。 陛下為人子孫，守持宗廟，而令國祚移於外親，降為皁隸，縱不為身，奈宗廟何！ 婦人內夫家，外父母家，此亦非皇太后之福也。 孝宣皇帝不與舅平昌、樂昌侯權，所以安全之也。
Great power always throws omens first—small signs before the storm. Zhaodi’s age: a crowned stone on Tai, a dead willow standing in Shanglin. Xuandi’s rise saw Wang tombs at Jinan sprout roof-high branches from the coffin posts—clearer omen than stone or willow. Two suns cannot shine; Wang and Liu cannot share the sky—if they stand firm as Tai, you teeter like stacked eggs. You hold the Liu shrines yet would hand the tally to affines and become a bondsman—think of the altars if not yourself! A wife belongs to her husband’s house, not her father’s—this cannot bless the empress dowager either. Xuandi starved his uncles of Pingchang and Lechang of power—and kept them alive.
36
夫明者起福於無形，銷患於未然。 宜發明詔，吐德音，援近宗室，親而納信，黜遠外戚，毋授以政，皆罷令就弟，以則效先帝之所行，厚安外戚，全其宗族，誠東宮之意，外家之福也。 王氏永存，保其爵祿，劉氏長安，不失社稷，所以褒睦外內之姓，子子孫孫無疆之計也。 如不行此策，田氏復見於今，六卿必起於漢，為後嗣憂，昭昭甚明，不可不深圖，不可不蚤慮。 《易》曰：「君不密，則失臣； 臣不密，則失身； 幾事不密，則害成。」 唯陛下深留聖思，審固幾密，覽往事之戒，以折中取信，居萬安之實，用保宗廟，久承皇太后，天下幸甚。
Wise men plant fortune unseen and kill trouble before it buds. Issue a clear edict: embrace Liu kin, starve Wang office, send affines home as old emperors did—blessing to East Palace and to the Wangs themselves. Wangs keep rank, Lius keep the realm—harmony inside and out for endless heirs. Ignore this and Tian seizes Qi again, six ministers split Jin in Han—your heirs will curse you; plan now, plan early. The *Changes*: “The ruler who leaks loses ministers; the minister who leaks loses his skin; the plot that leaks fails.” Seal your counsel, read old omens, choose the middle path, sit in true safety, guard the shrines, serve the dowager long—Heaven will smile.
37
書奏，天子召見向，歎息悲傷其意，謂曰：「君且休矣，吾將思之。」 以向為中壘校尉。
The emperor called him in, wept at his words, and said, “Rest; I will think.” He made Xiang colonel of the garrisoned encampment.
38
向為人簡易無威儀，廉靖樂道，不交接世俗，專積思於經術，晝誦書傳，夜觀星宿，或不寐達旦。 元延中，星孛東井，蜀郡岷山崩雍江。 向惡此異，語在五行志。 懷不能已，復上奏，其辭曰：
Xiang was plain, unshowy, clean, loved learning, shunned society, read by day, watched stars by night, often till dawn. Yuanyan: a comet in Eastern Well; Minshan fell in Shu and choked the river. He dreaded that sign—see the Five Phases treatise. He could not rest and memorialized again:
39
臣聞帝舜戒伯禹，毋若丹朱敖； 周公戒成王，毋若殷王紂。 《詩》曰「殷監不遠，在夏后之世」，亦言湯以桀為戒也。 聖帝明王常以敗亂自戒，不諱廢興，故臣敢極陳其愚，唯陛下留神察焉。
Shun warned Yu, “Do not be arrogant like Dan Zhu”; Zhou warned Cheng, “Do not be another Zhou of Shang.” The *Odes* says Yin’s lesson is near—in Xia’s fall; Tang took Jie as mirror. Wise kings study ruin without shame—so I dare speak bluntly; please weigh every word.
40
謹案春秋二百四十二年，日蝕三十六，襄公尤數，率三歲五月有奇而壹食。 漢興訖竟寧，孝景帝尤數，率三歲一月而一食。 臣向前數言日當食，今連三年比食。 自建始以來，二十歲間而八食，率二歲六月而一發，古今罕有。 異有小大希稠，占有舒疾緩急，而聖人所以斷疑也。 《易》曰：「觀乎天文，以察時變。」 昔孔子對魯哀公，並言夏桀、殷紂暴虐天下，故曆失則攝提失方，孟陬無紀，此皆易姓之變也。 秦始皇之末至二世時，日月薄食，山陵淪亡，辰星出於四孟，太白經天而行，無雲而雷，枉矢夜光，熒惑襲月，谪火燒宮，野禽戲廷，都門內崩，長人見臨洮，石隕于東郡，星孛大角，大角以亡。 觀孔子之言，考暴秦之異，天命信可畏也。 及項籍之敗，亦孛大角。 漢之入秦，五星聚于東井，得天下之象也。 孝惠時，有雨血，日食於衝，滅光星見之異。 孝昭時，有泰山臥石自立，上林僵柳復起，大星如月西行，眾星隨之，此為特異。 孝宣興起之表，天狗夾漢而西，久陰不雨者二十餘日，昌邑不終之異也。 皆著於漢紀。 觀秦、漢之易世，覽惠、昭之無後，察昌邑之不終，視孝宣之紹起，天之去就，豈不昭昭然哉！ 高宗、成王亦有雊雉拔木之變，能思其故，故高宗有百年之福，成王有復風之報。 神明之應，應若景嚮，世所同聞也。
Two hundred forty-two years of the classic hold thirty-six eclipses—most under Duke Xiang, about one every three years five months. From Han’s rise to Jingning Jingdi’s reign saw the most—about one eclipse every three years one month. I predicted eclipses; three years running the sun was eaten. Since Jianshi, twenty years, eight eclipses—one every two years six months, almost unheard of. Omens differ in scale and pace; diviners read slow or fast—that is how sages cut doubt. The *Changes*: “Read the sky to know the hour.” Confucius told Duke Ai how Jie and Zhou ravaged the realm—then calendar failed, seasons wandered—signs of dynastic change. Qin’s end: eclipses, hills fell, stars out of season, Great White crossing sky, thunder without cloud, meteors, Mars touching moon, fires in palace, birds in hall, gates fell, giants at Lintao, meteors in Dong, comet in Great Horn—then the Horn vanished. Read Confucius, read Qin’s sky—Heaven’s will is terrible. Xiang Yu’s fall too brought a comet at Great Horn. Han’s entry showed five planets at Eastern Well—the chart of conquest. Huidi saw blood rain, eclipse at opposition, and the “extinguished light” star. Zhaodi: standing stone, risen willow, moon-sized star sailing west with a train—uncanny. Xuandi’s omen: the “celestial dog” flanking the Milky Way westward, twenty days of gloom—Changyi’s short throne. All sit in the Han record. Read Qin to Han, Hui and Zhao childless, Changyi cut short, Xuandi’s rise—Heaven’s choice is written plain. Gaozong and Cheng had pheasants and torn trees too; they thought and won long life and the gale’s return. Spirit answers echo shadow—every age knows it.
41
臣幸得託末屬，誠見陛下有寬明之德，冀銷大異，而興高宗、成王之聲，以崇劉氏，故豤豤數奸死亡之誅。 今日食尤屢，星孛東井，攝提炎及紫宮，有識長老莫不震動，此變之大者也。 其事難一二記，故《易》曰「書不盡言，言不盡意」，是以設卦指爻，而復說義。 《書》曰「伻來以圖」，天文難以相曉，臣雖圖上，猶須口說，然後可知，願賜清燕之閒，指圖陳狀。
I am a twig of Liu, I see your virtue, I beg to quell these signs as Gaozong and Cheng did—so I risk execution again and again. Eclipses stack; comet in Eastern Well; Sheti’s fire licks Ziwei—every elder trembles: a chief prodigy. The tale is too large for ink; the *Changes* says words fail meaning—hence lines and images. The *Documents* says “bring maps”; sky lore needs a voice as well as charts—grant me quiet time to unfold them.
42
上輒入之，然終不能用也。 向每召見，數言公族者國之枝葉，枝葉落則本根無所庇廕； 方今同姓疏遠，母黨專政，祿去公室，權在外家，非所以彊漢宗，卑私門，保守社稷，安固後嗣也。
The emperor always heard him out yet never acted. Each summons he said Liu kin are the tree’s leaves—strip the leaves and the trunk roasts; today kin are far, affines rule, pay leaves the public hall—no way to steel the Liu line, humble private gates, guard the shrines, or save your heirs.
43
向自見得信於上，故常顯訟宗室，譏刺王氏及在位大臣，其言多痛切，發於至誠。 上數欲用向為九卿，輒不為王氏居位者及丞相御史所持，故終不遷。 居列大夫官前後三十餘年，年七十二卒。 卒後十三歲而王氏代漢。 向三子皆好學：長子伋，以易教授，官至郡守； 中子賜，九卿丞，蚤卒； 少子歆，最知名。
Trusted, he scolded Wangs and ministers in office—his words cut because his heart was true. The throne meant to raise him to nine ministers; Wangs in seat, chancellor, and censor blocked him—he never rose. He served as grandee thirty-odd years and died at seventy-two. Thirteen years later Wang Mang took the throne. Three sons, all scholars: Ji taught *Changes* to commandery governor; Ci, nine-minister aide, died young; Xin, the famous one.
44
歆字子駿，少以通詩書能屬文召見成帝，待詔宦者署，為黃門郎。 河平中，受詔與父向領校祕書，講六藝傳記，諸子、詩賦、數術、方技，無所不究。 向死後，歆復為中壘校尉。
Liu Xin, style Zijun, read the classics, wrote well, met Chengdi, waited edicts with the eunuchs, became gentleman at the Yellow Gate. Heping: he and his father collated palace books—six arts, histories, masters, rhapsodies, math, medicine—nothing left out. When Xiang died Xin took the colonel’s baton again.
45
哀帝初即位，大司馬王莽舉歆宗室有材行，為侍中太中大夫，遷騎都尉、奉車光祿大夫，貴幸。 復領五經，卒父前業。 歆乃集六藝群書，種別為七略。 語在藝文志。
Aidi’s accession: Wang Mang praised him; Xin rose to attendant, grand counsellor, cavalry commandant, chariot conductor—high favor. He finished the five classics and his father’s work. He sorted all texts into the *Seven Summaries*. See the bibliographic treatise.
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歆及向始皆治易，宣帝時，詔向受穀梁春秋，十餘年，大明習。 及歆校秘書，見古文春秋左氏傳，歆大好之。 時丞相史尹咸以能治左氏，與歆共校經傳。 歆略從咸及丞相翟方進受，質問大義。 初左氏傳多古字古言，學者傳訓故而已，及歆治左氏，引傳文以解經，轉相發明，由是章句義理備焉。 歆亦湛靖有謀，父子俱好古，博見彊志，過絕於人。 歆以為左丘明好惡與聖人同，親見夫子，而公羊、穀梁在七十子後，傳聞之與親見之，其詳略不同。 歆數以難向，向不能非間也，然猶自持其穀梁義。 及歆親近，欲建立左氏春秋及毛詩、逸禮、古文尚書皆列於學官。 哀帝令歆與五經博士講論其義，諸博士或不肯置對，歆因移書太常博士，責讓之曰：
Father and son began with *Changes*; Xuandi set Xiang to Guliang for ten years until he mastered it. Collating, he found the old-text *Zuo* and loved it. Chancellor’s clerk Yin Xian knew *Zuo*; they collated together. Xin studied with Yin and Zhai Fangjin on the great points. Early *Zuo* was dense archaism; scholars glossed lines; Xin used the commentary to unlock the classic until doctrine stood whole. Xin was deep, still, clever; both loved antiquity, read wide, forgot nothing, outshone peers. Xin held that Zuo Qiu saw Confucius while Gongyang and Guliang heard disciples—sight beats rumor for detail. Xin pressed his father; Xiang could not rebut yet clung to Guliang. In favor, he asked the throne to put *Zuo*, Mao *Odes*, lost *Rites*, and old-text *Documents* in the academy. Aidi made him debate the doctors; some refused; Xin wrote the famous letter scolding the grand erudites:
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昔唐虞既衰，而三代迭興，聖帝明王，累起相襲，其道甚著。 周室既微而禮樂不正，道之難全也如此。 是故孔子憂道之不行，歷國應聘。 自衛反魯，然後樂正，雅頌乃得其所； 修易，序書，制作春秋，以紀帝王之道。 及夫子沒而微言絕，七十子終而大義乖。 重遭戰國，棄籩豆之禮，理軍旅之陳，孔氏之道抑，而孫吳之術興。 陵夷至于暴秦，燔經書，殺儒士，設挾書之法，行是古之罪，道術由是遂滅。 漢興，去聖帝明王遐遠，仲尼之道又絕，法度無所因襲。 時獨有一叔孫通略定禮儀，天下唯有易卜，未有它書。 至孝惠之世，乃除挾書之律，然公卿大臣絳、灌之屬咸介冑武夫，莫以為意。 至孝文皇帝，始使掌故晁錯從伏生受尚書。 尚書初出于屋壁，朽折散絕，今其書見在，時師傳讀而已。 詩始萌牙。 天下眾書往往頗出，皆諸子傳說，猶廣立於學官，為置博士。 在漢朝之儒，唯賈生而已。 至孝武皇帝，然後鄒、魯、梁、趙頗有詩、禮、春秋先師，皆起於建元之間。 當此之時，一人不能獨盡其經，或為雅，或為頌，相合而成。 泰誓後得，博士集而讀之。 故詔書稱曰：「禮壞樂崩，書缺簡脫，朕甚閔焉。」 時漢興已七八十年，離於全經，固已遠矣。
When Tang and Yu faded, three dynasties rose in turn—sage kings stacked bright example. Late Zhou broke rites and music—how hard it is to keep the whole Way. Confucius mourned the Way and wandered seeking a throne. From Wei to Lu he fixed music until Ya and Song sat right; he ordered *Changes* and *Documents* and cut the *Spring and Autumn* for kings’ law. When the Master died subtle speech died; when the seventy passed, doctrine wandered. Warring States scrapped ritual for battle lines—Confucius sank, Sun and Wu rose. Qin burned books, killed scholars, banned private libraries, punished “praising antiquity”—and the Way went dark. Han woke far from the sages; Confucius’ thread was snapped; law had no model. Only Shusun Tong sketched court ritual; the realm had *Changes* oracles and little else. Huidi lifted the book ban, yet Jiang, Guan, and peers were soldiers in mail who shrugged at books. Wendi first sent clerk Chao Cuo to Fu Sheng for the *Documents*. The *Documents* crawled from a wall, moldy and split; today’s teachers only mouth the scraps. The *Odes* barely stirred. Texts surfaced—mostly master’s glosses—yet the court opened chairs and named doctors. Han’s first true scholar was Jia Yi. Wudi drew teachers of *Odes*, *Rites*, and *Spring and Autumn* from Zou, Lu, Liang, and Zhao—the Jianyuan generation. No one held a whole classic—some taught Ya, some Song—patching a canon together. The *Great Oath* arrived late; doctors read it in council. The edict mourned “broken rites, lost music, missing slips.” Eight decades in, a full text was still a distant hope.
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及魯恭王壞孔子宅，欲以為宮，而得古文於壞壁之中，逸禮有三十九，書十六篇。 天漢之後，孔安國獻之，遭巫蠱倉卒之難，未及施行。 及春秋左氏丘明所修，皆古文舊書，多者二十餘通，臧於祕府，伏而未發。 孝成皇帝閔學殘文缺，稍離其真，乃陳發祕臧，校理舊文，得此三事，以考學官所傳，經或脫簡，傳或間編。 傳問民間，則有魯國桓公、趙國貫公、膠東庸生之遺學與此同，抑而未施。 此乃有識者之所惜閔，士君子之所嗟痛也。 往者綴學之士不思廢絕之闕，苟因陋就寡，分文析字，煩言碎辭，學者罷老且不能究其一藝。 信口說而背傳記，是末師而非往古，至於國家將有大事，若立辟雍封禪巡狩之儀，則幽冥而莫知其原。 猶欲保殘守缺，挾恐見破之私意，而無從善服義之公心，或懷妒嫉，不考情實，雷同相從，隨聲是非，抑此三學，以尚書為備，謂左氏為不傳春秋，豈不哀哉！
King Gong of Lu tore Confucius’ house for a palace and found old texts in the walls—thirty-nine lost *Rites* chapters, sixteen of *Documents*. After Tianhan Kong Anguo offered them; witchcraft chaos blocked adoption. The Zuo *Spring and Autumn* by Qiu Ming—old script, twenty-odd scrolls—slept in the palace vault. Chengdi pitied broken learning, opened the vault, collated, and found three bodies of text that showed academy copies missing lines and jumbled chapters. In the villages the same text lived with Huan Gong of Lu, Guan Gong of Zhao, and Yong of Jiaodong—yet stayed buried. Wise men mourn it; gentlemen ache. Pedants hugged scraps, split characters, spun chatter—students grayed without mastering one school. They favored mouth over manuscript; when the court needed Biyong, feng-shan, or hunt rites, they groped in the dark. They clung to shards, feared exposure, envied truth, mobbed the same tune, damned *Zuo* and Mao while calling the current *Documents* whole—pitiful!
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今聖上德通神明，繼統揚業，亦閔文學錯亂，學士若茲，雖昭其情，猶依違謙讓，樂與士君子同之。 故下明詔，試左氏可立不，遣近臣奉指銜命，將以輔弱扶微，與二三君子比意同力，冀得廢遺。 今則不然，深閉固距，而不肯試，猥以不誦絕之，欲以杜塞餘道，絕滅微學。 夫可與樂成，難與慮始，此乃眾庶之所為耳，非所望士君子也。 且此數家之事，皆先帝所親論，今上所考視，其古文舊書，皆有徵驗，外內相應，豈苟而已哉！
Today’s throne reads the tangle and still asks humbly to share the burden with gentlemen. He ordered a trial for *Zuo* in court, sent close ministers to nurse the nearly lost, and asked a few of you to help. Instead you slam the gate, refuse the test, ban what you have not memorized—choking every side path. Crowds toast the finish but fear the first step—that is mob work, not a gentleman’s. These texts were weighed by Xuandi and Chengdi; inner and outer evidence match—this is no whim.
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夫禮失求之於野，古文不猶愈於野乎？ 往者博士書有歐陽，春秋公羊，易則施、孟，然孝宣皇帝猶復廣立穀梁春秋，梁丘易，大小夏侯尚書，義雖相反，猶並置之。 何則？ 與其過而廢之也，寧過而立之。 傳曰：「文武之道未墜於地，在人； 賢者志其大者，不賢者志其小者。」 今此數家之言所以兼包大小之義，豈可偏絕哉！ 若必專己守殘，黨同門，妒道真，違明詔，失聖意，以陷於文吏之議，甚為二三君子不取也。
When court ritual fails, search the fields—is old script not richer than rumor? Xuandi once let Gongyang and Guliang, Shi and Liangqiu, Ouyang and Xiahou sit together though they contradicted. Why? Better erect too much than tear down too fast. The tradition says, “Zhou’s way still walks among men; the worthy grasp the large, the small man the small.” These schools hold both great and small doctrine—how can you choke them? Cling to one school, envy the true line, defy the edict, miss the sage’s mind, and face indictment—that is unworthy of you.
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其言甚切，諸儒皆怨恨。 是時名儒光祿大夫龔勝以歆移書上疏深自罪責，願乞骸骨罷。 及儒者師丹為大司空，亦大怒，奏歆改亂舊章，非毀先帝所立。 上曰：「歆欲廣道術，亦何以為非毀哉？」 歆由是忤執政大臣，為眾儒所訕，懼誅，求出補吏，為河內太守。 以宗室不宜典三河，徙守五原，後復轉在涿郡，歷三郡守。 數年，以病免官，起家復為安定屬國都尉。 會哀帝崩，王莽持政，莽少與歆俱為黃門郎，重之，白太后。 太后留歆為右曹太中大夫，遷中壘校尉，羲和，京兆尹，使治明堂辟雍，封紅休侯。 典儒林史卜之官，考定律曆，著三統曆譜。
The letter cut deep; the doctors hated him. Gong Sheng, famed doctor, read the letter, blamed himself, and begged to retire. Minister Shi Dan raged that Xin rewrote Xuandi’s chairs. The emperor answered, “He only widened learning—where is the slander?” Xin angered the bloc, feared the knife, asked for a post, and became governor of Henei. Clansmen could not hold the Three Rivers—he was shifted to Wuyuan, then Zhuo: three governorships. Years later illness ended his post; he was recalled as colonel of dependent states at Anding. Aidi died; Wang Mang, Xin’s old Yellow Gate mate, seized power and praised him to the dowager. She kept him as right-bureau grand counsellor, colonel, Director of Harmonizing Seasons, governor of the capital, Bright Hall and Biyong builder, marquis of Hongxiu. He ran the academy of scholars, fixed the calendar, and wrote the *Triple Concordance* calendar treatise.
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初，歆以建平元年改名秀，字穎叔云。 及王莽篡位，歆為國師，後事皆在莽傳。
In Jianping first year he renamed himself Xiu, style Yingshu. When Mang took the throne Xin became state master—the rest is Mang’s chapter.
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贊曰：仲尼稱「材難不其然與！」 自孔子後，綴文之士眾矣，唯孟軻、孫況，董仲舒、司馬遷、劉向、揚雄。 此數公者，皆博物洽聞，通達古今，其言有補於世。 傳曰「聖人不出，其間必有命世者焉」，豈近是乎？ 劉氏洪範論發明大傳，著天人之應； 七略剖判藝文，總百家之緒； 三統曆譜考步日月五星之度。 有意其推本之也。 嗚虖！ 向言山陵之戒，于今察之，哀哉！ 指明梓柱以推廢興，昭矣！ 豈非直諒多聞，古之益友與！
Ban Gu’s verdict: Confucius sighed that true talent is rare. After him only Mencius, Xunzi, Dong Zhongshu, Sima Qian, Liu Xiang, and Yang Xiong matter. They read everything, linked past to present, and wrote for the common good. The saying runs, “Between sages a man still shapes his age”—perhaps these were such. Liu Xiang’s *Great Plan* essay joined Heaven and man; his *Seven Summaries* mapped every school; his *Triple Concordance* fixed the wanderers of sky. He always dug to the root. Alas! Xiang’s tomb sermon—read against today—breaks the heart. Reading coffin-post omens for rise and fall—how clear! Was he not the straight friend the ancients prized!